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Friday, June 11, 2010

Rajiv govt freed Warren Anderson: CIA papers Confirm to bring forth the FDI FII Truth Forward!

 
Rajiv govt freed Warren Anderson: CIA papers Confirm to bring forth the FDI FII Truth Forward!
 

Now US to 'evaluate' Indian request to bring Anderson to justice!


Mukesh Ambani back in telecom with a bang!

 
Troubled Galaxy Destroyed Dreams- Chapter 497
 
Palash Biswas
 
 

Mukesh Ambani back in telecom with a bang

12 Jun 2010, 0617 hrs IST,TK Arun,ET Bureau
Mukesh Ambani is back in telecom, and with a bang. Buying up Infotel Broadband, which bid the most in the broadband wireless access (BWA) spectrum auctions and secured 20 MHz of spectrum in every single one of India's 22 telecom circle, RIL now controls more spectrum than any of the established telecom players, and will pay, per MHz of spectrum, one fifth of what 3G bidders have. 20 MHz at one go is what is needed for efficient network planning as well.

True, Infotel would be offering high-speed data services, and not specifically voice services. Does this mean that it would not offer voice?

In a technologically advanced communication network, all information is first broken up into a large number of discrete packets, which then are transmitted over the network according to protocols together called an internet protocol (IP) suite.

At the receiver's end, these packets of information are put together in the right order, to reproduce the original information. In an all-IP network of the kind being planned by Infotel, it doesn't matter what that information is.

It could be video, text, music or, of course, voice. Voice is a subset of the communication services that can be rendered by a high-speed data network.


Also Read
 → BWA spectrum bid too high, say RCom, Tatas, Vodafone
 → RIL's redial may be led by Manoj Modi
 → 3G cost may have weighed on bidders
 → Reflecting brotherly love, Anil compliments Mukesh on telecom


It would be a waste of resources to restrict the data network to delivering just voice, but since voice packets would occupy very little space, in comparison with, say, a high definition video, voice can be transmitted at very little cost as well.

In other words, there is no technological constraint on the BWA spectrum being used to deliver the full range of 2G and 3G services, and then some.

This technology would not be cheap, at current volumes of customer premise equipment (CPE is jargon for what consumers use - phone, modem, etc to receive the data signals).

But volumes can go up dramatically, as Reliance demonstrated when it originally entered telecom in 2003 and brought the cost of owning and using a wireless phone crashing down. So the cost restriction is a function of scale. And scale is something that the Ambanis are good at.

Is there a regulatory restriction? There is, sort of. Regulation does not allow domestic calls from a phone to another phone using voice over IP. But calls can be made from a computer to another computer.

Since all 3G and more evolved phones are all miniature computers, whether this regulatory restriction would apply to them is open to question.
http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/6039071.cms

Rajiv govt freed Warren Anderson: CIA papers Confirm to bring forth the FDI FII Truth Forward! I have been writing the Global Phenomenon had nothing to do any singular Regime, it is a continuous policy of Exclusionand Economic Ethnic Cleansing since 15th August 1947 and every regime pursued the policy to sustain Zionist Manusmriti Regime. Ruling Zionist Dynasty and Loyalty Brigade led by the Anti National Gestapo Heads tried their best to kill Humanity, Truth and Justice, but BHOPAL Tragedy exposed everything which indicates Greater TRUTHs of Genocide Culture, US WAR Economy, Post Modern Manusmriti Apartheid Order, Ethnonationalism, Terror Strikes and Insurgency, Calamities, Pandamics, Migration,Exodus, Holocaust, Famine, Jobloss, Recessionand Eurozone Crisis as Cupboards spill the SKELETONS and Blood Afresh.Then prime ministerial aide P.C. Alexander's indication that the then prime minister Rajiv Gandhi had helped Warren Anderson,is FURTHER Confirmed by the CIA documents! Whoever followed the Topmost level Governance and administarion, PMO  working during INDIRA GANDHI Tenure, may understand the integrity of Alexander. I as a teen ager in 1973 witnessed his Toughness in the PMO as we were DENIED to meet INDIRA Gandhi who was in her office. At the Door, Alexander read the documents and heard everything and convinced everyone that everything would be O.K. It was not that the SCREENING meant Security chek at that time of Peace and Neither Indira Gandhi hated Interactions during that period. Seeing the role of Alexander in Indira Regime, we may simply guess his influence inRajiv`s PMO.He had been loyal beyond question, the defenders of the Hegemony nowhere stand incamparison the old guy!The controversy over the culpability for the surprise release of Union Carbide CEO Warren Anderson after the Bhopal gas tragedy took a serious turn on Friday, with the Congress leadership moving in vigorously to absolve the Rajiv Gandhi government of any responsibility in the shameful episode.
 
Adding another controversial twist to the Bhopal gas disaster case, P C Alexander, former principal secretary to late Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, on Friday said the release of Union Carbide chairman Warren Anderson from custody within six hours of his arrest on December 7, 1984 was not discussed by the Cabinet Committee on Political Affairs (CCPA) convened in the wake of the tragedy. Neither did the PMO pull up the state government for allowing Anderson to leave the country, Alexander told TOI.

The CCPA, which met at 3am on December 10, 1984 (three days after Anderson's release) at Prime Minister's house, did not discuss Anderson's release at all. "No question was raised by anybody about Anderson," he said. The meeting was attended by the five seniormost ministers in the cabinet including the Prime Minister, finance minister, home minister and external affairs minister, he said.

Then MP chief minister Arjun Singh was a special invitee to the CCPA meeting, Alexander recalled, adding he was not aware if Rajiv Gandhi and Singh had separate discussions on Anderson's release either before or after the CCPA meeting. Alexander, leading a quiet, retired life in Chennai, has found himself in the spotlight due to media reports recalling the circumstances under which Anderson was released on bail and allowed to fly out of the country. The role of Arjun Singh, in particular, in the Anderson affair needed more clarity, he said.

Doubts about Rajiv's role also persist owing to the fact that the PMO did not even pull up the state government for aiding Anderson's hasty release. "I was in the Prime Minister's office till January 18, 1985 (45 days after the tragedy). Till I left, the PMO did not raise the issue of Anderson's release with the state government. I do not know whether the PMO raised the issue with the state government after I left prime minister's office," he said. Recalling the CCPA meeting, Alexander said, "Rajiv had just returned from an election tour. When I reached Prime Minister's house, Arjun Singh was already there."
 
 The United States has said it would "carefully evaluate" any request from India to bring to justice Warren Anderson, the former CEO of Union Carbide, who is wanted in a case related to the 1984 Bhopal gas tragedy that killed several thousands of people.
 

Meanwhile, as we did expect,the Congress party Friday strongly rejected a former prime ministerial aide P.C. Alexander's indication that the then prime minister Rajiv Gandhi had helped Warren Anderson, the CEO of Union Carbide Corp in 1984, escape from the country within days of Bhopal gas tragedy.

 

Alexander reportedly stated that Gandhi and then Madhya Pradesh chief minister Arjun Singh were directly in touch with each other over the escape of Anderson from the country barely days after the world's biggest industrial disaster in Bhopal Dec 2-3, 1984.
 
"...if the government of India makes such a request of us, we will carefully evaluate it," State Department spokesman P J Crowley, told reporters in response to a question.

Crowley, however, reiterated he would make "no comment" on any request for extradition of Anderson by the Indian Government arguing that all such issues are confidential.

"I'm not in position to verify, the fact, whether we have such requests or whether we have responded to it. We have an extradition treaty with India. And if India makes an extradition request to us, we will give it fair consideration," he said.

The statement comes days after an External Affairs Ministry official said in New Delhi that the US had rejected India's extradition plea for want of more evidential links.

Maintaining that the ministry has "renewed the request for an extradition on a number of occasions from the time it was first made in 2003 to September 2008, when the last request was made," the senior official said the MEA will "proceed on the basis of the collective decision of the government" on the issue.

On the US response to India's request for extradition of Anderson, the official said, "They have been saying that it is not possible to execute our request as it doesn't meet the relevant provisions of India-US extradition treaty and basically it is evidential links they are looking for.

"We have been requesting the investigating agency to give us the needful additional information that would enable us to press for a review of American decision and thereby expedite the case for extradition," the official said.

Early this week, US Congressman Frank Pallone, the founder and former co-chairman of the Congressional Caucus on India and Indian Americans, supported the extradition demand.

"All those responsible for this disaster, including the former chairman of Union Carbide Warren Anderson, should stand trial in India and receive punishment that reflects the devastation and pain they have caused for thousands of people.

"Warren Anderson absolutely deserves to be extradited from the US and punished for the full extent of his crimes. As chairman of Union Carbide at the time of the Bhopal gas disaster, Anderson was ultimately responsible for his company's actions," Pallone said.

 

Congress spokesperson Jayanti Natarajan said there 'is nothing unusual' in a prime minister and a chief minister being in constant touch with each other.
 

She said the Group of Ministers for Bhopal gas tragedy would 'gather all information and put it before the people'.

 

The GoM is headed by Home Minister P. Chidambaram and includes Law and Justice Minister M. Veerappa Moily, Health Minister Ghulam Nabi Azad, Minister for Road Transport and Highways Kamal Nath, Minister for Chemicals and Fertilisers M.K. Alagiri, Minister for Urban Development Jaipal Reddy, Science and Technology Minister Prithviraj Chauhan and Minister of Housing and Tourism Kumari Selja


Times of India reports:
 The suspicion that orders from the Rajiv Gandhi government at the Centre led to Union Carbide boss Warren Anderson being released from the custody of Madhya Pradesh police has been further strengthened by a declassified CIA report.

The central government was "quick to release the Union Carbide chairman from house arrest yesterday", said the report going back to December 8, 1984. Giving an explanation for Centre's intervention, it says: "New Delhi believes state officials were overly eager to score political points against the company."

Interestingly, it refers to media reports to conclude that both Centre and state governments were looking to "deflect the blame on the subsidiary", the observation suggesting that the American intelligence agency did not hold the MNC primarily responsible for the worst-ever industrial disaster.

Though the report, not surprisingly, skips any reference to diplomatic intervention as has been alleged in some quarters, it makes a strong suggestion that in releasing Anderson, Arjun Singh, the then CM of Madhya Pradesh, acted on the Centre's orders.

The report notes that criticism over the Bhopal disaster was directed at the Indian subsidiary of Union Carbide and the central government for inadequate safety measures and poor relief, and that a case of negligence has been filed.

Since the note is written some 26 years ago and declassified only in January 2002, it reflects what must be the honest assessment of the CIA station in New Delhi.
 
"I categorically deny involvement of the then central government," Congress spokesperson Jayanthi Natarajan said on Friday, lobbing the ball into the court of the disgruntled leader. The statement puts the focus squarely on the role of the Arjun Singh-led Madhya Pradesh government in the Anderson episode and is a directive to leaders like Digvijay Singh to walk straight and narrow on the sensitive issue.

Digvijay, who has attracted the displeasure of the central leadership with remarks that were interpreted to suggest that Anderson was released at the instance of the Centre and the US, has already got the hint.

In statements to agencies and channels on Friday, he forcefully claimed that Rajiv Gandhi had no role to play in Anderson being set free hours after his arrest.
 

'If Indira defied Nixon, how could her son succumb?'

 

Warren just added to CBI website

 

 

Original



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While the army can, indeed, perform useful functions in the campaign against the Maoists, the political leadership must be clear that the kind of force that has to be deployed against the Maoists is best delivered by the police. The army can and should help to remove landmines and train the local police in combat tactics. But to actually deploy the army against the Maoists would be a big mistake, politically and tactically.

If superior force alone could prevail against determined, entrenched guerrillas fighting on their own terrain, Vietnam would not have become the emblem of American hubris. Use of the army has not quelled insurgency either in the Northeast or in Kashmir. On the other hand, tough policing, in combination with a coherent political drive to include the alienated support base of the armed insurgents into the base of growth and development, has virtually wiped out Maoist activity in Andhra Pradesh.

Security experts might rue the AP strategy of chasing the insurgents out of its own backyard, without caring whether they would carry on their activity in some other state. But that is a result of failure to coordinate operations across states. Hopefully, the right lessons have been learnt on that front. But there can be no scope to be woolly-headed on the choice of the instrumentality of force to be used against the Maoists.

Local policemen, who know the terrain, the people, the language and the mind of the political leadership well, are the viable option. Sure, they need special training and equipment. Providing them with both will take time, true. But to hope that the Maoist problem can be finished off in a flurry of air raids and infantry wizardry would be a mistake. The police forces are sadly undermanned in the states where the Maoists run amok and the government has been doing the right thing by recruiting large numbers of the local people. The task is to recruit even more, train them, demonstrate political commitment to local welfare and deploy the trained regular police against the Maoists. It worked in Andhra Pradesh, it will work elsewhere.
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US will consider plea for Anderson's extradition
12 Jun 2010, 1053 hrs IST

US said it will give consideration to plea for extradition of the Anderson.

US yuan bill against WTO rules: China 
12 Jun 2010, 1043 hrs IST

Proposed US legislation aimed at punishing China unless it lets the yuan rise would not be in line with World Trade Organisation rules, China's Ministry of Commerce said.

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SEZ contiguity norms may be relaxed for 'non-tax sops' areas

12 Jun 2010, 0435 hrs IST,Amiti Sen,ET Bureau
NEW DELHI: The government plans to relax the contiguity norms for special economic zones, a move that will benefit developers of zones such as Navi Mumbai SEZ in Maharashtra and Iffco Kisan SEZ in Andhra Pradesh.

The existing guidelines, which stipulate continuity within SEZs, would have forced developers to invest in building bridges and flyovers over railway lines or water bodies falling within such zones, even if they are located in the non-processing areas where there is no production activity.

"Since tax sops are not given for operations in non-processing areas, the board of approval for SEZs is of the view that the government could relax contiguity norms there," a commerce department official said, requesting anonymity.

In areas where maintaining contiguity would be mandatory, the government may offer tax-breaks on inputs needed for constructing bridges or flyovers, he said.

The BoA, comprising officials from the ministries of commerce, finance, agriculture and home, clears SEZ proposals and takes decisions concerning operation of such zones.

The decision, if implemented, could benefit the Rs 5,000-crore Navi Mumbai SEZ promoted by Anand Jain, a close associate of Reliance Industries' chief Mukesh Ambani, and the Rs 2,400-crore Iffco Kisan SEZ. These SEZs have highways and railway lines passing through them.

"The idea behind the contiguity norms is to have control over the processing area as tax exemptions are given for that area. Even if the rules are relaxed for non-processing areas, there wouldn't be any issue of tax evasion," said Hitender Mehta, a Gurgaon-based consultant and SEZ expert.

The board of approval for SEZs is of the view that relaxing contiguity norms for developers cannot be ad hoc and there has to be some established criteria in place, said another government official, who also asked not to be named.

"Formal instructions on the matter may be issued so that people can't say that decisions are being taken to favour a particular developer," he said. He said the commerce ministry is trying to convince the revenue department to offer tax breaks on building material in cases where contiguity is mandatory. "The bridges and flyovers would also be part of the SEZ, so should be eligible for tax breaks," he said.

Mr Mehta, however, said since contiguity of the zone would be established only when the bridges and flyovers are built, they may not be ineligible for tax sops.

An SEZ is an area within a country where the economic laws are more liberal. Such zones are created to encourage export-oriented industrialisation.

Mamata as chief minister? Jury still out

Mamata Banerjee's ascent is based on an unrehearsed, inchoate, impulsive political movement, which has surged ahead of other parties in recent years in acquiring close grassroots links. As the name of her party, Trinamool (or grassroots) Congress, shows, she did not bank on any ideological conviction or organisational strength to reach her present position where she is regarded as the next chief minister of West Bengal.

The nature of her party, which is essentially a one-person outfit with Mamata wielding dictatorial powers, is in striking contrast to its main adversary, the Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M). The latter has unshakeable faith in its dogma of 'scientific socialism' and depends heavily on its cadres, known for their militancy.

Mamata probably realised, therefore, that she had to project a model which was the exact opposite of what the Marxists represented. Her emotional slogan - ma, mati, manush (mother, earth, people) - underlines her nebulous political creed, which has nothing to do with codified belief.

In any event, she had no alternative but to chalk out her own undefined path because she had set out on her political journey virtually alone after her expulsion from the Congress in 1997. Since the ideology of the Congress is far less easy to grasp than that of the Marxists, she had to formulate her own tenets.

Her success depended, however, not on a well-defined set of beliefs, but on challenging the Marxists whenever they acted in a high-handed manner, which was often. Before she appeared on the scene, the ordinary people had no option but to abide by the dictates of the cadres, whether in the matter of contributing monthly subscriptions or accepting their choice of contractors to build a house or seeking their help for admissions to schools and colleges and even for employment.

Since the police were in the grip of the ruling Left Front, and mainly the CPI-M, the common man could not but follow what the cadres said. The fact that the latter were mostly anti-socials ruled out any question of defiance.

Mamata was the first to take up cudgels against the cadre raj. The Congress' failure in this respect can only be explained by a curious loss of nerve after its comprehensive 1977 defeat. The reason perhaps was that none of its leaders, except the late A.B.A Ghani Khan Chaudhury, had any solid base. Khan Chaudhury's influence too was limited to Malda in north Bengal.

The other top-ranking leader, Pranab Mukherjee, could not win a Lok Sabha election till 2004 while the others - Priya Ranjan Dasmunsi, Subrata Mukherjee, Somen Mitra and others - did not have the stature to offer a credible challenge to the Left Front, which was led by the charismatic Jyoti Basu.

They were also unnerved by Mamata's belligerence, presumably because they sensed that she was gaining in popularity. She too must have realised that the Congress was suffering because of its meekness. Ridiculing the century-old party as the CPI-M's 'B' team, she decided to form her own outfit.

It was a courageous, even foolhardy, decision, for, ostensibly, she had little going for her. She was not known for her intellectual or organisational ability. Nor was she of any account as a minister at the centre between 1991 and 1993. As her rather stormy tenure in the Congress had shown, she found it difficult to get along with her colleagues. This trait of an aggressive loner has persisted to the present day.

Not surprisingly, it took more than a decade for her to reach her present position when she is regarded as some kind of an icon because of her ground-level popularity. One reason for her slow rise is her mercurial temperament, which saw her first align with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and become railway minister at the centre in 1999, then with the Congress in 2001, then back to the BJP and then teaming up again with the Congress.

Such a topsy-turvy course would have been ruinous for the reputation of any other politician. But if Mamata survived her swings of loyalty, the explanation lay, first, in her single-minded opposition to the CPI-M which enabled her to retain and expand her base of support. It has to be remembered that the non-Left vote in West Bengal is considerable and that the Trinamool routinely grabs a major portion of it.

In the 2006 assembly elections, for instance, the combined vote of the Trinamool and the Congress was 41.2 percent, of which the former's share was 26.3 percent. In the 2009 parliamentary polls, the two parties received 44.7 percent of the votes, of which the Trinamool's share was 31.2 percent. Between 1997 and now, it is the Trinamool which has become the 'real' Congress.

The second reason for her success is she is trusted by the ordinary people who see her as the only bulwark against the depredations of Marxist cadres. She also highlights her proximity to the common folk by dressing casually and living in a lower middle class locality in Kolkata. This side of her personality shows that she is aware of the reasons for her popularity.

Mamata has also been helped in the last few years by the CPI-M's blunders. Although the Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee government's efforts to reverse the earlier flight of capital by wooing the industrialists back to the state were noteworthy, it went about doing the right thing in the wrong manner.

By unleashing its cadres on the protesters in Singur and Nandigram, who were unhappy about the acquisition of their land, the CPI-M showed it was still intent on ruling the state via the cadres with police acting as bystanders. This egregious policy of the government helped Mamata to organise protests as never before and whip up a frenzied opposition to the ruling parties, which has led to their defeats in successive elections from 2008.

What kind of a chief minister will she be? The jury is still undecided. As her unwavering anti-CPI-M focus shows, she pursues one-dimensional politics which has its pitfalls. Nothing emphasises this more than her toing and froing between the 'secular' and 'communal' camps in the last 10 years.

Clearly, her lack of ideological convictions enables her to be unabashedly opportunistic, which is also shown by her ambivalence about the Maoist threat. Such a person can be quite unpredictable in a position of power as her West Bengal-centric policies as the railway minister suggest.

Her 'open mindedness' about politics, if her cynicism can be so described, is accompanied by a limited understanding of economics. After the eviction of the Tatas, one of the most respected industrial houses in India, from Singur, the scope for investment in West Bengal has been sharply reduced. She may resort to vague 'socialistic' enterprises to create employment opportunities, but that will be tantamount to repeating the mistakes which the Left made.

It isn't that the people are unaware of these deficiencies. But at present, they seem to be more intent on replacing the Communists than thinking about the future.

(12.06.2010 - Amulya Ganguli is a political analyst. He can be reached at aganguli@mail.com)

Messi on stage after spectacular opening

Sat, Jun 12 10:04 AM

Residents celelebrate South Africa first goal in the 2010 World   Cup opening match against Mexico... Enlarge Photo Residents celelebrate South Africa first goal in the 2010 World Cup opening match against Mexico...

Argentina's Lionel Messi, potentially the tournament's most exciting player, takes the stage for the first time on Saturday after South Africa launched a spectacular opening to the continent's first World Cup.

The globe's most watched sports event met all expectations on Friday with an outstanding opening match between the hosts and Mexico as South Africans revelled in the pride and excitement of defying the sceptics who said they could never organise a successful soccer spectacular.

The mood of national euphoria was only dampened by sadness over the death in a car crash of the 13-year-old great granddaughter of Nelson Mandela, beloved father of post-apartheid South Africa, whose mourning forced him to miss the opening match.

Even though South Africa were robbed of a dream victory to start the tournament, their thrilling 1-1 draw with Mexico outshone the second match between France and Uruguay which produced a lacklustre goalless draw in the graceful new Green Point stadium in Cape Town, known as the "Mother City."

But that did little to dent a day of national joy when the deafening blare of vuvuzela trumpets echoed from Table Mountain to Soweto as hundreds of thousands of people crammed bars, homes and special fan parks.

Saturday offers more excitement with the appearance of world player of the year Messi in the first Group B match at 1400 GMT in Johannesburg's Ellis Park, where Argentina meet Nigeria.

Saturday will also bring an intriguing match between England, one of the tournament favourites and United States, who could be one of its most dangerous outsiders, in Group C's first match near the sleepy town of Rustenburg northwest of Johannesburg.

The England-U.S. match will probably be the most closely guarded of the World Cup after police said they would be paying it particular attention in case of a terrorist attack -- although they say there is no indications one is planned.

Argentina are clear favourites to win their group with a team crammed with talent headed by the outstanding Messi, although Nigeria have many players from European leagues.

MESSI EAGERLY AWAITED

Together with Portugal's Cristiano Ronaldo, Messi's astonishing ball skills are one of the most eagerly awaited sights of this World Cup.

Interest in Argentina, who some pundits say could surprise the favourites if they hit their stride, is equally focused on ever-controversial manager Diego Maradona.

In his time considered the world's greatest player, Maradona is an inexperienced and quixotic coach whose questionable decisions were blamed for Argentina's shaky road to World Cup finals qualification.

England, who some pundits put behind only Spain and Brazil as potential tournament winners despite the loss through injury of captain Rio Ferdinand, and who are notoriously slow starters, face awkward opponents in the much improved U.S. side under seasoned coach Bob Bradley.

They will want to avoid this difficult early hurdle breaking their stride in a year widely seen as their best chance to win the World Cup since their only victory in 1966.

Saturday's other match is between South Korea and Greece in the coastal city of Port Elizabeth where the main question may be whether fans will fill the beautiful new lakeside stadium -- FIFA has expressed concern that it may be a badly attended match with little local interest.

The opening of the World Cup on Friday was seen by South Africans as a triumphant vindication of their potential to cement a nation that is still riven by racial and wealth disparities 16 years after the end of apartheid.

Tormented by years of scepticism that Africa would not be able to handle the huge logistical challenge of the World Cup, millions of fans were scarcely able to contain their pride at being in the world spotlight.

"It has united the nation ... the Rainbow Nation has gathered together," said 36-year-old teacher Disebo in the central city of Bloemfontein.

(Editing by Jon Bramley)


Mandela relative's death clouds cup start

Fri, Jun 11 03:42 PM

Former South African President Nelson Mandela hugs his great   granddaughter Zenani Mandela in Diepkloof, Soweto... Enlarge Photo Former South African President Nelson Mandela hugs his great granddaughter Zenani Mandela in Diepkloof, Soweto...

Nelson Mandela cancelled his appearance at the opening of the World Cup on Friday after his great granddaughter was killed in a car crash, casting a cloud over South Africa's day of joy in hosting the continent's first edition of the tournament.

Mandela, 91, is the much beloved father of post-apartheid South Africa and confirmation this week that he would attend had topped a frenzy of patriotic anticipation over the opening game, when the host side meets Mexico at 4 p.m. (1400 GMT).

Mandela, who is in frail health, pulled out after hearing the news that his great granddaughter Zenani, 13, had been killed on her way home from the World Cup kickoff concert on Thursday night.

The driver was arrested and police said they were investigating a case of culpable homicide.

Zenani was one of the nine great-grandchildren of Mandela, whose vast charisma and prestige is credited with helping South Africa win the World Cup bid in 2004.

"We are sure that South Africans and people all over the world will stand in solidarity with Mr Mandela and his family in the aftermath of this tragedy," the former president's foundation said.

The death cast a shadow over the unprecedented excitement in South Africa, which was tormented for years by negative and even domestic pessimism that the world's most watched sporting event was too big for Africa to handle.

That pessimism has been transformed in recent weeks and South Africans of all races can scarcely contain their pride at being in the world spotlight.

"We have been waiting for years for this moment, praying that it would happen," said local fan Nicolas Sello, 54. He came to Soccer City at dawn a full 10 hours before kickoff wearing a specially-tailored shirt resembling the national flag.

He was not alone making an early start. Vuvuzela trumpets could be heard before dawn around the nation.

Pumping up the atmosphere, scores of Mexican fans dressed as mariachi singers in wide-brimmed hats joked with the South Africans outside the stadium, vowing to ruin their big day.

HIGH STAKES FOR SOUTH AFRICA

Successfully hosting this tournament for the first time in Africa will mean much more for the hosts than just sport.

Racial reconciliation, the affirmation of an often troubled post-apartheid nation, future investment and millions of tourist dollars could be at stake.

It is also a symbol of Africa's emergence from decades stereotyped as a continent of disaster, conflict and failure into a dynamic region winning ever-more foreign investment.

The once-improbable dream kicks off later on Friday when in Johannesburg's 90,000-seat Soccer City stadium, shaped like a calabash or local cooking pot.

The Mexicans have to contend not only with a frenzy of patriotic fervour but also the ear-splitting din of the vuvuzela trumpets, so loud they can make communication between players and coaches almost impossible.

Once mocked even by their compatriots as hopeless under-achievers, and still one of the lowest-rated World Cup hosts, at 83rd in the rankings, South Africa come off a run of 12 unbeaten matches and are new national idols.

CRIME AND TRAFFIC RISKS

A string of comparatively minor crimes against journalists and three Greek players in recent days have highlighted risks in one of the globe's most violent countries outside a war zone.

Six people were injured in a crowd crush at Cape Town's main World Cup fan zone on Thursday when thousands tried to get in.

The death of Mandela's great grand-daughter, a day after three British tourists died in a bus crash, highlighted the fact visitors face as much danger on the roads as from crime.

But the biggest distractions for the South African team are the weight of expectation and joyful street parades.

Their Brazilian manager, Carlo Alberto Parreira, said they could understand the euphoria. "I don't want my players to be affected by all of that," he said. "Now we have a World Cup game ... we want to make this country proud."

Mexico's confidence has been boosted by victory over defending champions Italy last week.

In Friday's other Group A game, France will be under pressure against Uruguay in Cape Town after unimpressive warm-up games, culminating in a worrying 1-0 defeat by China.

Les Bleus look a far cry from the dominant team that won the World Cup in 1998 and Euro 2000. Uruguay, though unfancied, have had impressive wins against Switzerland and Israel.

- Additional reporting by Reuters reporters across South Africa

(Writing by Barry Moody and Andrew Cawthorne, editing by Jon Bramley)


Rajiv Gandhi

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Rajiv Gandhi


In office
31 October 1984 – 2 December 1989
President Giani Zail Singh
Ramaswamy Venkataraman
Preceded by Indira Gandhi
Succeeded by V. P. Singh

Born 20 August 1944(1944-08-20)
Bombay, Bombay Presidency, British India
Died 21 May 1991 (aged 46)
Sriperumbudur, Tamil Nadu, India
Nationality Indian
Spouse(s) Sonia Gandhi
Children Priyanka Gandhi Vadra, Rahul Gandhi
Profession Politician, Airline pilot
Religion Adi Dharm Sect of Hindu religion [1]
Signature

Rajiv Ratna Gandhi (20 August 1944 – 21 May 1991), the younger son of Indira Gandhi and Feroze Gandhi, was the 7th Prime Minister of India, serving from his mother's death on 31 October 1984 until his resignation on 2 December 1989 following a general election defeat. He became the youngest Prime Minister of India when he took office at the age of 40.

Rajiv Gandhi was a professional pilot for Indian Airlines before entering politics. While at Cambridge, he met Italian-born Sonia Gandhi whom he later married. He remained aloof from politics despite his mother being the Indian Prime Minister, and it was only following the death of his younger brother Sanjay Gandhi in 1980 that Rajiv entered politics. After the assassination of his mother in 1984 after Operation Blue Star, Indian National Congress party leaders nominated him to be Prime Minister.

Rajiv Gandhi led the Congress to a major election victory in 1984 soon after, amassing the largest majority ever in Indian Parliament. The Congress party won 411 seats out of 542. He began dismantling the License Raj - government quotas, tariffs and permit regulations on economic activity - modernized the telecommunications industry, the education system, expanded science and technology initiatives and improved relations with the United States.

In 1988, Rajiv reversed the coup in Maldives antagonising the militant Tamil outfits such as PLOTE. He was also responsible for first intervening and then sending Indian troops (Indian Peace Keeping Force or IPKF) for peace efforts in Sri Lanka in 1987, which soon ended in open conflict with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) group. In mid-1987, the Bofors scandal broke his honest, corruption-free image and resulted in a major defeat for his party in the 1989 elections.

Rajiv Gandhi remained Congress President until the elections in 1991. While campaigning, he was assassinated by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE or Tamil Tigers) group. His widow Sonia Gandhi became the leader of the Congress party in 1998, and led the party to victory in the 2004 elections. His son Rahul Gandhi is a Member of Parliament and the General Secretary of All India Congress Committee.[2]

Rajiv Gandhi was posthumously awarded the Highest National Award of India, Bharat Ratna, joining a list of 40 luminaries, including Indira Gandhi.

Rajiv Gandhi was an active amateur radio operator, and used the callsign VU2RG.

Contents

[hide]

[edit] Early life

Rajiv Gandhi was born into India's most famous political family. His grandfather was the Indian independence leader Jawaharlal Nehru, who was the India's first Prime Minister after independence.

Rajiv is not related to Mahatma Gandhi, although they share the same surname. Rajiv's father, Feroze, was one of the younger members of the Indian National Congress party, and had befriended the young Indira, and also her mother Kamala Nehru, while working on party affairs at Allahabad. Subsequently, Indira and Feroze grew closer to each other while in England, and they married, despite initial objections from Jawaharlal due to his religion (Zoroastrianism).

Rajiv was born in 1944 in Mumbai, during a time when both his parents were in and out of British prisons. In August 1947, Jawaharlal Nehru became the prime minister of independent India, and the family settled in Allahabad, and then at Lucknow, where Feroze became the editor of The National Herald newspaper (founded by Motilal Nehru). However, the marriage was faltering and, in 1949, Indira and the two sons moved to Delhi to live with Jawaharlal, ostensibly so that Indira could assist her father in his duties, acting as official hostess, and helping run the huge residence. Meanwhile, Feroze continued alone in Lucknow. Nonetheless, in 1952, Indira helped Feroze manage his campaign for elections to the first Parliament of India from Rae Bareli.

After becoming an MP, Feroze Gandhi also moved to Delhi, but "Indira continued to stay with her father, thus putting the final seal on the separation."[3] Relations were strained further when Feroze challenged corruption within the Congress leadership over the Haridas Mundhra scandal. Jawaharlal suggested that the matter be resolved in private, but Feroze insisted on taking the case directly to parliament:

"The Parliament must exercise vigilance and control over the biggest and most powerful financial institution it has created, the Life Insurance Corporation of India, whose misapplication of public funds we shall scrutinise today." Feroze Gandhi, Speech in Parliament, 16 December 1957.[4]

The scandal, and its investigation by justice M C Chagla, lead to the resignation of one of Nehru's key allies, finance minister T.T. Krishnamachari, further alienating Feroze from Jawaharlal.

After Feroze Gandhi had a heart attack in 1958, the family was reconciled briefly when they vacationed in Kashmir. However, Feroze died soon afterwards from a second heart attack in 1960.

[edit] Education

By the time of his father's death, Rajiv was away at a private boarding school for boys: initially at the Welham Boys' School and later The Doon School. He was sent to London in 1961 to study his A-levels. In 1962, he was offered a place at Trinity College, Cambridge to study engineering. Rajiv stayed at Cambridge until 1965 and left the university without a degree mainly because he did not appear in the final Tripos examinations. In 1966, he was offered a place at the Imperial College London. He again left Imperial College after a year without a degree.

In the January of 1965, he met Italian Antonia (Sonia) Maino in Varsity restaurant in Cambridge. Sonia was studying English at Lennox School of Languages (which was not associated with the University of Cambridge.) Maino's family opposed the match, but Maino came to India with Rajiv and they were married in 1968.

He began working for Indian Airlines as a professional pilot while his mother became Prime Minister in 1967. He exhibited no interest in politics and did not live regularly with his mother in Delhi at the Prime Minister's residence. In 1970, his wife gave birth to their first child Rahul Gandhi, and in 1972, to Priyanka Gandhi, their second. Even as Rajiv remained aloof in politics, his younger brother Sanjay became a close advisor to their mother.

[edit] Entry into politics

Following his younger brother's death in 1980, Gandhi was pressured by Indian National Congress party politicians and his mother to enter politics. He and his wife were both opposed to the idea, and he even publicly stated that he would not contest for his brother's seat. Nevertheless, he eventually announced his candidacy for Parliament. His entry was criticized by many in the press, public and opposition political parties. He fought his first election from Amethi Loksabha seat. In this by-election, he defeated Lokdal leader Sharad Yadav by more than 200,000 votes.

Elected to Sanjay's Lok Sabha (parliamentary) constituency of Amethi in Uttar Pradesh state in February 1981, Gandhi became an important political advisor to his mother. It was widely perceived that Indira Gandhi was grooming Rajiv for the prime minister's job, and he soon became the president of the Youth Congress - the Congress party's youth wing.

[edit] Premiership

Rajiv Gandhi (right) in 1984.

Gandhi was in West Bengal when his mother was assassinated on 31 October 1984 by her bodyguards. Top Congress leaders, as well as President Zail Singh pressed Rajiv to become India's Prime Minister, within hours of his mother's assassination by two of her Sikh bodyguards. Commenting on the anti-Sikh riots in the national capital Delhi, Rajiv Gandhi said, "When a giant tree falls, the earth below shakes";[5] a statement for which he was widely criticised. Many Congress politicians were accused of orchestrating the violence.[6] Soon after assuming office, Rajiv asked President Zail Singh to dissolve Parliament and hold fresh elections, as the Lok Sabha completed its five year term. Rajiv Gandhi also officially became the President of the Congress party. The Congress party won a landslide victory — with the largest majority in history of Indian Parliament[7]— giving Gandhi absolute control of government. He also benefited from his youth and a general perception of being Mr. Clean, or free of a background in corrupt politics. Rajiv thus revived hopes and enthusiasm amongst the Indian public for the Congress.

Gandhi began leading in a direction significantly different from his mother's socialism. He improved bilateral relations with the United States — long strained owing to Indira's socialism and close friendship with the USSR — and expanded economic and scientific cooperation.[8]

[edit] Economic policy

He increased government support for science and technology and associated industries, and reduced import quotas, taxes and tariffs on technology-based industries, especially computers, airlines, defence and telecommunications. He introduced measures significantly reducing the License Raj, allowing businesses and individuals to purchase capital, consumer goods and import without bureaucratic restrictions. In 1986, he announced a National Policy on Education to modernize and expand higher education programs across India. He founded the Jawahar Navodaya Vidyalaya System in 1986 which is a Central government based institution that concentrates on the upliftment of the rural section of the society providing them free residential education from 6th till 12 grade. His efforts created MTNL in 1986, and his public call offices, better known as PCOs, helped spread telephones in rural areas.

[edit] Security policy

Rajiv authorized an extensive police and Army campaign to contain terrorism in Punjab. A state of martial law existed in the Punjab state, and civil liberties, commerce and tourism were greatly disrupted [citation needed]. There are many accusations of human rights violations by police officials as well as by the militants during this period. It is alleged that even as the situation in Punjab came under control, the Indian government was offering arms and training to the LTTE rebels fighting the government of Sri Lanka. The Indo-Sri Lanka Peace Accord was signed by Rajiv Gandhi and the Sri Lankan President J.R.Jayewardene, in Colombo on 29 July 1987. The very next day, on 30 July 1987, Rajiv Gandhi was assaulted on the head with a rifle butt by a young Sinhalese naval cadet named Vijayamunige Rohana de Silva, while receiving the honour guard. The intended assault on the back of Rajiv Gandhi's head however glanced off his shoulder. Though the embarrassed Sri Lankan President Junius Richard Jayewardene initially attempted to pass off the bizarre assault as "Rajiv tripped a little and slightly lost his balance", Rajiv Gandhi while en route to New Delhi asserted to J.N. Dixit "Of course, I was hit." Rajiv's government also suffered a major setback when its efforts to arbitrate between the government of Sri Lanka and the LTTE rebels backfired [citation needed].

With his speech while addressing the Joint Session of the US Congress and India, he famously said, "India is an old country, but a young nation; and like the young everywhere, we are impatient. I am young and I too have a dream. I dream of an India, strong, independent, self reliant and in the forefront of the front ranks of the nations of the world in the service of mankind."[9]

[edit] Currency crisis

During the late 1980s, Gandhi's administration failed to slow the 30 percent fall in the value of the Indian Rupee from 12 to 17 to the US Dollar.

[edit] Bofors scandal

Gandhi's finance minister, V. P. Singh, uncovered compromising details about government and political corruption, to the consternation of Congress leaders. Transferred to the Defence ministry, Singh uncovered what became known as the Bofors scandal, involving tens of millions of dollars - concerned alleged payoffs by the Swedish Bofors arms company through Italian businessman and Gandhi family associate Ottavio Quattrocchi, in return for Indian contracts. Upon the uncovering of the scandal, Singh was dismissed from office, and later from Congress membership. Rajiv Gandhi himself was later personally implicated in the scandal when the investigation was continued by Narasimhan Ram and Chitra Subramaniam of The Hindu newspaper. This shattered his image as an honest politician; he was posthumously cleared over this allegation in 2004, however.[10]

Singh's image as an exposer of government corruption made him very popular with the public [citation needed], and opposition parties united under his name to form the Janata Dal coalition. In the 1989 elections, the Congress suffered a major setback. With the support of Indian communists and the Bharatiya Janata Party, Singh and his Janata Dal formed a government. Gandhi became the Leader of the Opposition, while remaining Congress president. While some believe that Rajiv and Congress leaders influenced the collapse of V. P. Singh's government in October 1990 by promising support to Chandra Shekhar, a high-ranking leader in the Janata Dal, sufficient internal contradictions existed, within the ruling coalition, especially over the controversial reservation issue, to cause a fall of government. Rajiv's Congress offered outside support briefly to Chandra Sekhar, who became Prime Minister. They withdrew their support in 1991, however, and fresh elections were announced.

[edit] Sri Lanka policy

Then Sri Lankan Prime Minister Ranasinghe Premadasa opposed the Indo-Sri Lanka Peace Accord, but accepted it due to pressure from then President Junius Richard Jayewardene. In January 1989 Premadasa was elected President and on a platform that promised that the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) leave within three months.[11] In the 1989 elections, both the Sri Lanka Freedom Party and United National Party wanted the IPKF to withdraw, and they got 95 percent of the vote.

The police action was unpopular in India as well, especially in Tamil Nadu, as India was fighting the Tamil separatists.

Gandhi refused to withdraw the IPKF, believing that the only way to end the civil war was to politically force Premadasa and militarily force the LTTE to accept the accord. In December 1989, Singh was elected Prime Minister and completed the pullout. The IPKF operation killed over 1100 Indian soldiers,5000 tamils and cost over 2000 crores.[12][13]

[edit] Shah Bano case

In 1985, the Supreme Court of India ruled in favour of Muslim divorcee Shah Bano, declaring that her husband should give her alimony. Muslim fundamentalists in India treated it as an encroachment in Muslim Personal Law and protested against it. Gandhi agreed to their demands.[14] In 1986, the Congress (I) party, which had an absolute majority in Parliament at the time, passed an act that nullified the Supreme Court's judgement in the Shah Bano case. This was viewed by many in India, including the Bharatiya Janata Party as appeasement of Muslims. Some Congressmen too believed the same and they influenced Rajiv, to either revoke the act or to pacify Hindu Sentiments too. The infamous opening up of the gates of the Ram Janmabhoomi - Babri Masjid Gates for worship of the Ram Lala Idols at Ayodhya was an event which would go on to haunt India for several years.

[edit] Assassination

The stone mosaic that stands at the location where Rajiv Gandhi was assassinated in Sriperumbudur

Rajiv Gandhi's last public meeting was at Sriperumbudur on 21 May 1991, in a village approximately 30 miles from Madras, Tamil Nadu, where he was assassinated while campaigning for the Sriperumbudur Lok Sabha Congress candidate.[15] The assassination was carried out by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) suicide bomber Thenmozhi Rajaratnam also known as Gayatri and Dhanu.

At 10:10 p.m., the assassin Dhanu approached him in a public meeting and greeted the former Prime Minister. She then bent down to touch his feet (an expression of respect among Indians) and detonated a belt laden with 700 grams of RDX explosive tucked under her dress.[16] The former Prime Minister along with many others were killed in the explosion that followed. The assassination was caught on film through the lens of a local photographer, whose camera and film were found at the site. The cameraman himself also died in the blast but the camera remained intact.

The Rajiv Gandhi Memorial was built at the site recently and is one of the major tourist attractions to the small industrial town.

The Supreme Court judgement, by Judge Thomas, confirmed that the killing was carried out due to personal animosity of the LTTE chief Prabhakaran towards Mr Rajiv Gandhi arising out of his sending the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) to Sri Lanka and the alleged IPKF atrocities against Srilankan Tamils. However, it should be noted that the Rajiv Gandhi administration had already antagonised other Tamil militant organisations like PLOTE for reversing the military coup in Maldives back in 1988.

The judgment further cites the death of Thileepan in a hunger strike and the suicide by 12 LTTE cadres in a vessel in Oct 1987.

In the Jain Commission report, various people and agencies are named as suspected of having been involved in the murder of Rajiv Gandhi. Among them, the cleric Chandraswami was suspected of involvement, including financing the assassination.[17][18][19] The interim report of the Jain Commission created a storm when it accused Karunanidhi of a role in the assassination, leading to Congress withdrawing its support for the I. K. Gujral government and fresh elections in 1998. LTTE spokesman Anton Balasingham told the Indian television channel NDTV that the killing was a "great tragedy, a monumental historical tragedy which we deeply regret."[20][21] A memorial christened Veer Bhumi was constructed at his cremation spot in Delhi. The International Airport constructed at Hyderabad has been named after Rajiv Gandhi and was inaugurated by UPA chairperson Sonia Gandhi.

[edit] Further reading

  • Sachi Sri Kantha; Pirabhakaran Phenomenon, Lively Comet Imprint,2005;641 pp (chapters 24 to 35, pp. 207–352, cover in detail the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi)
  • "Working with Rajiv Gandhi" by R.D. Pradhan
  • Mani Shankar Aiyar "Remembering Rajiv", Rupa, New Delhi, 1992

[edit] See also

[edit] References

  1. ^ http://image.guim.co.uk/Guardian/world/gallery/2007/may/09/india/U955687INP-989.jpg
  2. ^ In UP village, Miliband, Rahul Gandhi spend a night in a Dalit woman's hut, The Indian Express, 16 January 2009
  3. ^ Tariq Ali. The Nehrus and the Gandhis: An Indian dynasty. Pan Books, London 1985, Revised edn 1991. p. 134
  4. ^ Shashi Bhushan, M.P. (1977). Feroze Gandhi: A political Biography. Progressive People's Sector Publications, New Delhi,. p. 75
  5. ^ "Back to the dynasty". Frontline. Hinduonnet.com. 1998-03-06. http://www.hinduonnet.com/fline/fl1504/15040190.htm. Retrieved 2010-03-07. 
  6. ^ "World | South Asia | Leaders 'incited' anti-Sikh riots". BBC News. 2005-08-08. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/south_asia/4130962.stm. Retrieved 2010-03-07. 
  7. ^ ]
  8. ^ "Rajiv Gandhi Biography - Rajiv Gandhi Life & Profile". Culturalindia.net. http://www.culturalindia.net/leaders/rajiv-gandhi.html. Retrieved 2010-03-07. 
  9. ^ "Untitled-6" (PDF). June 2005. http://www.congresssandesh.com/june-2005/june2005.pdf. Retrieved 2010-03-07. 
  10. ^ "Rajiv Gandhi cleared over bribery". BBC News. 2004-02-04. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/south_asia/3458319.stm. Retrieved 2010-03-07. 
  11. ^ Sri Lanka Truth[dead link]
  12. ^ K T Rajasingham. "Sri Lanka: The Untold story Chapter 43: Aftermath of the Indian withdrawal". Asia Times Online. Atimes.com. http://www.atimes.com/ind-pak/DF08Df01.html. Retrieved 2010-03-07. 
  13. ^ BBC India's Sri Lankan predicament
  14. ^ "Shah Bano - Rajiv Gandhi". Homepages.uc.edu. http://homepages.uc.edu/thro/shahbano/sb-rajiv.htm. Retrieved 2010-03-07. 
  15. ^ N Sathiya Moorthy (January 1998). "Sonia checks her emotions, but her interpreter goes full throttle". Rediff On The NeT. Rediff.com. http://www.rediff.com/news/1998/jan/11soni1.htm. Retrieved 2010-03-07. 
  16. ^ Ramesh Vinayak (1999-02-01). "The Nation: Terrorism: The RDX Files". India-today.com. http://www.india-today.com/itoday/01021999/rdx.html. Retrieved 2010-03-07. 
  17. ^ outlookindia.com
  18. ^ Rtiu Sarin (July 11, 1998). "Probe Chandraswami's role in Rajiv case - Jain report". Expressindia.com. http://www.expressindia.com/ie/daily/19980711/19250694.html. Retrieved 2010-03-07. 
  19. ^ [1][dead link]
  20. ^ "We deeply regret Rajiv's death: LTTE". Expressindia.com. 2006-06-27. http://www.expressindia.com/fullstory.php?newsid=70062. Retrieved 2010-03-07. 
  21. ^ "Tamil Tiger 'regret' over Gandhi". BBC News. 2006-06-27. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/5122032.stm. Retrieved 2010-03-07. 

[edit] External links

Preceded by
Indira Gandhi
Prime Minister of India
1984–1989
Succeeded by
V P Singh
Preceded by
Indira Gandhi
Minister for External Affairs of India
1984–1985
Succeeded by
Bali Ram Bhagat
Preceded by
Narayan Dutt Tiwari
Minister for External Affairs of India
1987–1988
Succeeded by
P. V. Narasimha Rao

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