Disillusionment with Marxist regime, Alright. Change Excellent. Voted for Paribartan Welcome!Just DO NOT ASSERT IDENTITY and DEMAND Share in everything! Never EXPECT EMPOWERMENT. Remain ENSLAVED as HAVE Been! Stern Warning to SC, ST, OBC and MUSLIM!T

Disillusionment with Marxist regime, Alright. Change Excellent. Voted for Paribartan Welcome!Just DO NOT ASSERT IDENTITY and DEMAND Share in everything! Never EXPECT EMPOWERMENT. Remain ENSLAVED as HAVE Been! Stern Warning to SC, ST, OBC and MUSLIM!This is the Real FACE of Change PARIBARTAN in Bengal! Marxists lost the Battle but the BRAHMIN Front and HEGEMONY is INTACT! Mamata Banerjee elected Trinamool Congress Legislature Party leader, says Congress will join her ministry!



Indian Holocaust My Father`s Life and Time - SIX HUNDRED THIRTY EIGHT

Palash Biswas

http://indianholocaustmyfatherslifeandtime.blogspot.com/


http://basantipurtimes.blogspot.com/

Mamata's winning mantra: Maa's son, Mati and Matua ‎ Hindustan Times - 24 Apr 2011 When Mamata Banerjee picked the youngest son of the Matua'ssupreme leader ... that Matuas had so far maintained in separating their religion from politics. ...

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The Sachar Committee's report is an extremely valuable document on the Social, Economic and. Educational Status of Indian Muslims for two reasons. ...
www.mfsd.org/sachar/leafletEnglish.pdf

Read Sachar Committee Report on Indian Muslims The Milli Gazette Prime Minister's High Level Committee For Preparation of Report on Social, Economic and Educational Status of the Muslim Community of India prepared its report in November 2006 and tabled in Parliament on 30 Nov 2006. The chairperson of the Committee was Justice Rajindar Sachar. See the link below to download the full report: Read Sachar Committee Report on Social, Economic and Educational Status of the Muslim Community of India (6.5 MB / PDF file)

« Latest Indian Muslim Islamic News Latest Indian Muslim Organisation Press Releases / Statements

Disillusionment with Marxist regime, Alright. Change Excellent. Voted for Paribartan Welcome!Just DO NOT ASSERT IDENTITY and DEMAND Share in everything! Never EXPECT EMPOWERMENT. Remain ENSLAVED as HAVE Been! Stern Warning to SC, ST, OBC and MUSLIM!This is the Real FACE of Change PARIBARTAN in Bengal! Marxists lost the Battle but the BRAHMIN Front and HEGEMONY is INTACT!

Mamata Banerjee elected Trinamool Congress Legislature Party leader, says Congress will join her ministry!

Twenty Seven percent Muslim, Seventeen Percent Scheduled Castes, Seven Percent Tribal People and Forty Two Percent OBC including MUSLIM Backward communities did suport the Marxists in Bengal and it ensured the Continuity of Marxist BRAHAMIN Front creating the Monoplistic HEGEMONY of Micro minority Three Percent Brahamin, One Percent BAIDYA and Four percent KAYASTH .

In Bengali Aborigin Humanscape, Manusmriti Rule was absent until SEN Dynasty. Hence, RAJPUT or KSHATIAY aor Thakur ABSENT in Bengali Demography.

The Shudra Kayastha comunity is COOPTED as ruling Class during Muslim and British Raj!

Sachchar Committee Report created the First TSUNAMI as Muslims suddenly realised that the Brahamin Marxists BETRAYED them for THIRTY Years! SC, ST and OBC comuninities also saw the TRUTH very late.

Nandigram and SINGUR Movement united all the EXCLUDED  Communities under the Wave of Change.

Mamata converted herself Matua and the Most Militant SC Community NAMASHUDRA which led the MULNIVASI Empowerment Movement and Ensured the Victory of DR BR Ambedkar, revolted aginst Marxists.

The DALIT MUSLIM, SC, OBC, ST, MUSLIM COMBINE ensured the GREEN Revolution.

The EXCLUDED Communities DISILUSIONED and Crossed Fence in Favour of the NEW Leader of the BRAHAMIN front.

BUT they MUST NOT be EMPOWERD, AWAKENED!

They MUST NOT ASSERT Themselves!

They should not DEMAND Share in POLITY, SOCIETY or ECONOMY!

This has become the greatest CONCERN for Media, Civil Society, Policy Makers, Intelligentsia and the RULING Class combined!

The CREAM of the BENGALI BRAHAMIN Hegemony bank on, as the Marxist did refined it, BENGALI BRAHAMINICAL Nationalism which has NO SPACE for EXCLUDED Communities or NON BENGALIES!

The tone of the Flagbearers of the GREEN REVOLUTIONS are set accordingly. The MODE may be noticed in Media reports and EDITs.
Toaday mainstream Newspaper ANANDA BAZAR PATIKA, the MOUTH PIECE of BENGALI AGGRESSIVE MONOPOLISTIC Colonial which support FREE MARKET ECONOMY, has Published an EDIT Page article VOICING against shaping CASTEOLOGY in Bengal and underlining the DANGER ahead for the HEGEMONY and the Market DOMINATING MONOPOLISTIC Ruling Class! Just read:

'বর্ণ-বাঘে' সওয়ার হয়ে বঙ্গে জন্ম ভিন্ন রাজনীতির

সন্দীপন চক্রবর্তী • কলকাতা

এ বারের বিধানসভা নির্বাচন চিহ্নিত ক্ষমতার 'পরিবর্তনের' জন্য। কিন্তু মহাকরণে পালাবদলের পাশাপাশিই বাংলার রাজনীতি অন্য এক 'পরিবর্তন' দেখে ফেলেছে! উত্তর এবং দক্ষিণ ভারতের নানা রাজ্যের মতো বঙ্গভূমিতেও জন্ম নিয়েছে বর্ণ-জাত-সম্প্রদায় বা গোষ্ঠী পরিচয়ের রাজনীতি (আইডেন্টিটি পলিটিক্স)! এতটাই, যে শাসক ও বিরোধী শিবিরের প্রতিযোগিতার সেই রাজনীতি আগামী দিনে রাজ্যের 'নিয়ন্ত্রক' হয়ে উঠবে, এমন সম্ভাবনাও তৈরি হচ্ছে। এই 'পরিবর্তনের' সূচনা বিধানসভা ভোটের ফয়সালা হওয়ার আগে থেকেই। মতুয়া-মন পেতে মমতা বন্দ্যোপাধ্যায়ের মতুয়া মহাসঙ্ঘের প্রধান উপদেষ্টা বীণাপাণি দেবীর (বড়মা) ছেলে মঞ্জুলকৃষ্ণ ঠাকুরকে প্রার্থী করা, মুখ্যমন্ত্রী বুদ্ধদেব ভট্টাচার্যের চাঁদপাড়ায় ছুটে গিয়ে মতুয়া-গুরু হরিচাঁদ-গুরুচাঁদ ঠাকুরের নামে কলেজের শিলান্যাস বা তাঁদের নামে পুরস্কার চালু করা— এই সব ঘটনাই গোষ্ঠী-ভিত্তিক রাজনীতির সূচক। জনসাধারণের কোনও অংশের সামাজিক বা অর্থনৈতিক অনগ্রসরতা দূর করার উদ্যোগকে ছাপিয়ে যেখানে গোষ্ঠী-আবেগকে কাজে লাগিয়ে রাজনৈতিক ফায়দা তোলার প্রয়াসই বড় হয়ে উঠেছে। এই ধারা চালু থাকলে ভবিষ্যতে বিভিন্ন জনগোষ্ঠীর আবেগ-নির্ভর রাজনীতিই যে সামনে চলে আসবে এবং তখন তার জেরে অশান্তির আশঙ্কার কথা একেবারে উড়িয়ে দিতে পারছে না যুযুধান দুই শিবিরই। এমনিতেই এ রাজ্যে মধ্যমেধার জয়জয়কার। এর পরে 'মেধা' বা 'যোগ্যতা'কে আরও পিছনে ঠেলে সম্প্রদায় বা গোষ্ঠীগত পরিচয়ই প্রধান মাপকাঠি হয়ে ওঠারও সমূহ সম্ভাবনা দেখা দিয়েছে! ২০০১ সালের জনগণনা অনুযায়ী, রাজ্যে মোট জনসংখ্যার ২৩.২% তফসিলি জাতি এবং ৫.৫% তফসিলি উপজাতিভুক্ত। ১০ বছর পরের জনগণনা অনুযায়ী যা অবধারিত ভাবেই বাড়বে। তা ছাড়াও এখন অন্যান্য অনগ্রসর শ্রেণির (ওবিসি) আওতায় ১০৮টি গোষ্ঠী অন্তর্ভুক্ত, যার মধ্যে আবার ৫৩টি মুসলিম। মতুয়া-মন পেতে তৃণমূল নেত্রী গাইঘাটা আসনে প্রার্থী করেছিলেন বড়মার ছোট ছেলে মঞ্জুলকৃষ্ণকে। তিনি প্রায় ২৫ হাজার ভোটে জিতেছেন। শুধু তা-ই নয়, বনগাঁ মহকুমার সব ক'টি আসনেই জয়ী হয়েছে তৃণমূল। প্রতিটি আসনেই জয়ের গড় ব্যবধান ২০ হাজার বা তার বেশি। ভোটের আগে ওই এলাকার যে তৃণমূল প্রার্থীরা ঠাকুরবাড়িতে গিয়ে বড়মার 'আশীর্বাদ' নিয়ে এসেছিলেন, তাঁরা সকলেই জিতেছেন। এমনকী, পাশের যে জেলায় মতুয়াদের কিছু প্রভাব আছে, সেই নদিয়াতেও সব আসন গিয়েছে তৃণমূলের দখলে। মতুয়া-রাজনীতির হাত ধরেই এ রাজ্যে 'আইডেন্টিটি পলিটিক্স'-এর উত্থান সব চেয়ে বেশি। বস্তুত, মতুয়াদের মন জয়ের মরিয়া প্রয়াস নেওয়া হয়েছিল তফসিলি ভোটব্যাঙ্কে তাঁদের প্রভাবের কথা বিবেচনা করেই। এবং এখানেই 'আশঙ্কা' দেখতে পাচ্ছেন প্রবীণ রাজনীতিকেরা। তাঁদের কথায়, এ রাজ্যে এখন সরকার বা রাজনৈতিক দলগুলির নেতৃত্বে যাঁরা আছেন, তাঁরা মূলত ব্রাহ্মণ, বৈদ্য বা কায়স্থ সম্প্রদায়ের প্রতিনিধি। গোষ্ঠী-পরিচয়ের রাজনীতি চেপে বসলে তফসিলিরা তো বটেই, আগুরি, মাহিষ্য বা সদগোপেরা (যার মধ্যে পড়ে কৈবর্ত্য) নিজেদের প্রতিনিধিত্বের দাবি জানাতেই পারেন! বামফ্রন্টের এক প্রবীণ নেতার কথায়, "ব্রাহ্মণ, বৈদ্য, কায়স্থ মিলে রাজ্যে মোট জনসংখ্যার ১৬-১৭%-এর বেশি হবে না। সে দিক থেকে ধরলে আগুরি, মাহিষ্য, সদগোপ মিলে দাবি করলে মুখ্যমন্ত্রী-সহ সব গুরুত্বপূর্ণ পদ ওঁদেরই প্রাপ্য!" প্রসঙ্গত, তাঁরা জানাচ্ছেন, ব্রিটিশ আমলে মাহিষ্যেরা তফসিলের অন্তর্ভুক্তই ছিলেন। বীরেন্দ্রনাথ শাসমলের নেতৃত্বে মামলা করে তাঁরা তফসিলের বাইরে বেরিয়ে আসেন। গোষ্ঠী-নির্ভর রাজনীতির সাম্প্রতিক প্রবণতার সূচনা গত পঞ্চায়েত এবং লোকসভা ভোটে বামেদের তফসিলি ভোটব্যাঙ্কে ধস নামার পর। তফসিলি জনসমর্থনের ভিত আরও সংহত করতে মতুয়াদের ঢেলে 'উপহার' দিতে শুরু করেছিলেন তৃণমূল নেত্রী মমতা। মতুয়া মহাসঙ্ঘের 'উন্নয়ন কল্পে' মমতা এবং তাঁর দলের সাংসদ-বিধায়কেরা টাকা দিচ্ছেন, হরিচাঁদ-গুরুচাঁদের নামে রেলের স্টেডিয়াম, টেকনিক্যাল কলেজ হচ্ছে। এই তৎপরতার কারণ রাজ্যের প্রায় ৮৪টি বিধানসভা কেন্দ্রে মতুয়াদের কম-বেশি উপস্থিতি এবং তফসিলি ভোটব্যাঙ্কে তাঁদের প্রভাব। মমতাকে 'এগিয়ে' যেতে দেখে তফসিলি ভোটব্যাঙ্কে ভাঙন আটকাতে মরিয়া হয়েছিল সিপিএম তথা রাজ্য সরকারও। মতুয়াদের জন্য কলেজ বা তাঁদের নামে পুরস্কারের পাশাপাশি তাঁদের নাগরিকত্বের অধিকারের দাবিতেও সরব হতে দেখা গিয়েছে সিপিএম-কে। ভোটব্যাঙ্কের টানেই নাগরিকত্বের দাবি নিয়ে মতুয়া সমাবেশে এক মঞ্চে সিপিএম-তৃণমূলের যৌথ উপস্থিতির বিরল দৃশ্যের সাক্ষী হয়েছে রাজ্য রাজনীতি! প্রধান বিরোধী নেত্রী থেকে ক্ষমতায় পৌঁছনোর সিঁড়িতে চড়তে মমতা না-হয় বিভিন্ন সম্প্রদায় বা জনগোষ্ঠীর আবেগকে 'হাতিয়ার' করার চেষ্টা করেছেন। কিন্তু জাত-বর্ণ-ধর্মের রাজনীতিতে অবিশ্বাসী সিপিএম কেন সেই দৌড়ে সামিল? দলের রাজ্য সম্পাদকমণ্ডলীর সদস্য মহম্মদ সেলিমের কথায়, "মমতা বা সিপিএম বলে নয়, সারা বিশ্বেই এখন রাজনৈতিক ভাবে মানুষকে সংগঠিত করার উপাদান হিসাবে ধর্মীয়, জাতিগত বা সামাজিক পরিচিতি ব্যবহারের চল শুরু হয়েছে। বিভিন্ন গোষ্ঠীর অনুন্নয়নের সমস্যা দূর করার চেষ্টা বা গণতান্ত্রিক উপায়ে তাদের বক্তব্য শোনার মধ্যে কোনও অন্যায় নেই। কিন্তু আগে যেটা আশা-আকাঙ্ক্ষার (অ্যাস্পিরেশন) রাজনীতি ছিল, সেটাই এখন চাপিয়ে দেওয়ার জায়গায় (অ্যাসারশন) চলে যাচ্ছে। সেটা বিপজ্জনক।" সিপিএমের রাজ্য কমিটির সদস্য এবং তফসিলি সেলের দায়িত্বপ্রাপ্ত, প্রাক্তন মন্ত্রী কান্তি বিশ্বাস আরও ব্যাখ্যা করে বলছেন, "মতুয়াদের হরিচাঁদ ঠাকুর অবিভক্ত বাংলায় ৩৬টি স্কুল স্থাপন করেছিলেন। শিক্ষা প্রসার এবং সামাজিক সংস্কারে তাঁদের বড় ভূমিকা ছিল। মতুয়া বা ওই ধরনের কোনও সম্প্রদায়ের অর্থনৈতিক এবং সামাজিক পশ্চাৎপদতা দূর করার চেষ্টার মধ্যে জাতপাতের রাজনীতি নেই। কিন্তু এটাকে রাজনীতির মঞ্চ হিসেবে ব্যবহার করলে বিপদ আছে।" প্রসঙ্গত, বর্ণ-জাত-ধর্ম নির্বিশেষে পশ্চাৎপদতা এবং বৈষম্য দূর করার জন্য সমবেত হওয়া মতুয়াদের ঘোষিত উদ্দেশ্য হলেও তাঁদের মধ্যে ৮০% নমঃশূদ্রের উপস্থিতিই যে তাঁদের নিয়ে রাজনৈতিক দলগুলির টানাটানির কারণ, সে ব্যাপারে বিশেষ দ্বিমত অবশ্য নেই। ঘটনা হল, বিভিন্ন জনগোষ্ঠীর পশ্চাৎপদতা দূর করার কথা-বলা সিপিএমের রাজ্য সম্পাদকমণ্ডলী বা কেন্দ্রীয় কমিটির মতো 'ক্ষমতাসম্পন্ন' কমিটিগুলিতে তথাকথিত 'অনগ্রসর'দের কোনও প্রতিনিধি নেই। সেলিমের ব্যাখ্যায়, "যে কোনও কমিউনিস্ট পার্টিই লেনিনবাদী নীতিতে সংগঠন চালায়। শাখা থেকে শুরু করে সংগঠনের সমস্ত স্তরে নানা জাতিসত্তা বা ভাষাগোষ্ঠীর লোকজনকে সামিল করার চেষ্টা করা হয়। কিন্তু নেতৃত্ব স্তরে তাঁদের তো বসিয়ে দেওয়া যায় না! সেটা নির্ভর করে আন্দোলনের কোন স্তর তাঁরা পেরিয়ে আসছেন তার উপর।" অদূর ভবিষ্যতে মমতা তাঁর দলকে কী ভাবে সাজান, যে সব সম্প্রদায়ের 'উন্নয়নের' কথা তাঁকে বলতে শোনা গিয়েছে, প্রশাসন বা সংগঠনে তাদের প্রতিনিধিদের রাখেন কি না, সেই উত্তর দেবে ভবিষ্যতই। তৃণমূলের তরফে মতুয়াদের সঙ্গে 'সেতুবন্ধনের' মূল দায়িত্বপ্রাপ্ত বিধায়ক জ্যোতিপ্রিয় মল্লিকের প্রশ্ন, "মতুয়া-অবদানের কথা বুঝতে সিপিএমের ৩৪ বছর লেগেছে! সেখানেই তো রাজনীতি!" কান্তিবাবু মানছেন, "কেন ৩৪ বছর লাগল, সে প্রশ্নের সত্যিই কোনও জবাব নেই!" বিলম্বে বোধোদয় যেমন সিপিএমের 'অস্বস্তি'র কারণ, তেমনই মতুয়া নিয়ে 'বাড়াবাড়ি'তেও দলের অন্দরে ক্ষোভ আছে। এক পলিটব্যুরো সদস্যের মতে, বঙ্গ সিপিএম এ নিয়ে এমন পর্যায়ে পৌঁছেছে যে, দেশের অন্যত্র জাত-রাজনীতির বিরুদ্ধে কথা বলতে গিয়ে সিপিএম-কে অস্বস্তিতে পড়তে হতে পারে। মতুয়া-মঞ্চে এ রাজ্যের কংগ্রেসও সামিল। যদিও প্রদেশ কংগ্রেস সভাপতি মানস ভুঁইয়ার দাবি, "জাত বা ধর্ম নিয়ে রাজনীতিতে কখনও আমরা নেই। মতুয়াদের ব্যাপারটাকে আমরা শুধু নাগরিকত্বের দাবির প্রশ্নে দেখেছি।" এখানেও কান্তিবাবুর পাল্টা বক্তব্য, "নাগরিকত্ব সংশোধনী আইনটা ২০০৩ সালে পাশ হয়। তখন মমতা এনডিএ-তে আর সংসদের স্বরাষ্ট্র বিষয়ক স্থায়ী কমিটির চেয়ারম্যান প্রণব মুখোপাধ্যায়। এখন মমতা, মানস ভুঁইয়া বা আমাদের দলের নেতারা ওই নাগরিকত্বের দাবি সমর্থন করলে প্রশ্ন উঠতেই পারে, এত দিন কী করছিলেন?" মতুয়া তো বটেই। ভোটের আগে কলকাতায় উর্দুভাষী মুসলিমদের একটি সম্মেলনে তৃণমূলের তরফে উপস্থিত ছিলেন সুলতান আহমেদ, অম্বিকা বন্দ্যোপাধ্যায়েরা। বিভিন্ন জনগোষ্ঠীর আবেগকে এ ভাবে রাজনৈতিক 'মদত' দিতে থাকলে ভবিষ্যতে এমন দাবি বেড়েই চলার আশঙ্কা কি তাঁরা করছেন না? সরাসরি উড়িয়ে দিচ্ছেন না তৃণমূল নেতৃত্ব। জ্যোতিপ্রিয় বলছেন, "মুসলিম আর মতুয়ারা একটা করে শক্তিশালী অংশ। মতুয়াদের জন্য মঞ্জুলকৃষ্ণকে গাইঘাটা আসনটা ছেড়ে দেওয়া সেই কারণেই। এঁদের বাইরে অন্য কেউ এখনও কিছু দাবি করেনি। তবে পরে দাবি উঠতে পারে। তখন ২০-২৫টা আসনে প্রভাব আছে, এমন কোনও গোষ্ঠী বা সম্প্রদায়ের দাবিও বিবেচনা করতে হবে।" বিপদটা এই জায়গাতেই! বর্ণ, জাত বা গোষ্ঠী-রাজনীতির যে বাঘে সওয়ার হয়েছে যুযুধান সব পক্ষই, তার পিঠ থেকে নামা প্রতিদিনই কঠিনতর হবে!

http://anandabazar-unicode.appspot.com/proxy?p=15raj4.htm

Left govt has failed on all fronts: PM Indian Express - ‎Apr 24, 2011‎ In his first rally in Kolkata with Trinamool Congress chief Mamata Banerjee, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on Saturday said that the Left government in the state had lost credibility on all fronts, and exhorted the people to vote for the Trinamool ... PM talks joint govt, Mamata may not oblige Indian Express - ‎Apr 24, 2011‎ The Congress seems to have reconciled to the idea of offering 'unconditional support' to the Trinamool Congress government in West Bengal if the latter musters up the requisite number on its own. The TMC is learnt to be disinclined to share power with ... PM lends voice to oust-Left chorus Hindustan Times - ‎Apr 24, 2011‎ "If you vote for the Trinamool-Congress government in Bengal, our first task will be to usher in peace and development, to bring development to the sectors of education and health and provide employment," Singh said. "The vehicle of governance has ... "Time has come for a change in West Bengal as the Left Front government has ruined the state in all spheres -law and order, health, education, commerce and industries. Violence is spreading all over the state. At places like Jhargram we had to deploy central forces to maintain law and order,"Singh said, addressing a gathering at Dum Dum's Central Jail Ground. more by Manmohan Singh - Apr 24, 2011 - Indian Express(2 occurrences) A Basu takes on left Hindustan Times - ‎Apr 24, 2011‎ "Bratya? Who?" "He will know who Bratya is after May 13 results." The tone of the contest was set right from the start of election campaign and the acerbic tongues of both contestants have been working overtime. The candidates of Dum Dum assembly ... Time for change in West Bengal, says Manmohan The Hindu - Raktima Bose - ‎Apr 23, 2011‎ Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Trinamool Congress chief Mamata Banerjee at an election campaign meeting in Dum Dum on Saturday. Congress leader Shakeel Ahmed is behind them. DUM DUM (NORTH 24 PARGANAS): Expressing concern over the law and order ... Bengal law & order situation grave: PM Times of India - ‎Apr 23, 2011‎ PTI | Apr 24, 2011, 04.07am IST KATWA (WEST BENGAL): Launching a frontal attack on the ruling Left Front government, PM Manmohan Singh on Saturday said the law and order situation in West Bengal was a matter of "grave concern" and called for a change ... Mamata asks Manmohan to help West Bengal The Hindu - Raktima Bose - ‎Apr 23, 2011‎ DUM DUM (NORTH 24 PARGANAS): With Prime Minister Manmohan Singh sharing the dais with her at a joint election rally here on Saturday, Trinamool Congress chief Mamata Banerjee requested him to help West Bengal tide over the "bankruptcy" it faced owing ... Congress-Trinamool govt in Bengal if coalition wins: PM Business Standard - ‎Apr 23, 2011‎ In the eventuality of an electoral victory, the Congress will participate in the government along with the Trinamool Congress, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said while addressing an election rally at Dum Dum in West Bengal. ... Bengal polls: PM takes on Left, calls for change NDTV.com - ‎Apr 23, 2011‎ PTI, Updated: April 24, 2011 01:13 IST Kolkata: Taking on the Left Front in its own backyard for its "overall failure", Prime Minister Manmohan Singh expressed concern over the law and order situation in West Bengal and called for a political change by ... PM promises to bring development to West Bengal Economic Times - ‎Apr 23, 2011‎ KOLKATA: Blaming the CPI (M)-led Left Front Government in West Bengal for lack of development in the last 34 years of its rule, the Prime Minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh today said only the Congress and the Trinamool Congress ( TMC )) combine will bring ... All 145 related articles »

Related Mamata Banerjee All India Trinamool Congress West Bengal Sonia Gandhi Communist Party of India (Marxist) Kolkata Timeline of articles Number of sources covering this story PM talks joint govt, Mamata may not oblige ‎Apr 24, 2011‎ - Indian Express Second phase elections in West Bengal on Friday ‎Apr 22, 2011‎ - Economic Times Karat holds black money fire on Mamata ‎Apr 21, 2011‎ - Calcutta Telegraph Left defeat on Sonia's mind ‎Apr 21, 2011‎ - Hindustan Times Pranab attacks CPM, left, right and centre ‎Apr 20, 2011‎ - Hindustan Times Images The Hindu The Hindu Indian Express The Hindu All India Radio Gulf Times India Today Rediff Calcutta Telegr... All related imag

1. What is the matua community in westbengal? - Yahoo! Answers India

   1 answer - 30 Dec 2010

   This is a religious community, living in different states of the country from Maharastra to North eastern states, including West bengal and Madhya ...
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2. Matua community - News, photos, topics, and quotes

   The latest news on Matua community, from thousands of sources worldwide. High-quality photos, articles, blog posts, quotes, and more.
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3. State awards in memory of Matua leaders - Times Of India

   16 Sep 2010 ... KOLKATA: It's destination Thakurnagar for all political ...
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4. Eye on polls, Mamata joins Matua sect - Express India

   6 Dec 2009 ... The Matua community primarily consists of Dalits (mainly Namasudra) who migrated from Bangladesh. They follow the teachings of Harichand and ...
   www.expressindia.com/latest-news/eye-on-polls...matua.../550520/- Cached
5. Eye on polls, Mamata joins Matua sect

   1 post - Last post: 6 Dec 2009

   The Matua community primarily consists of Dalits (mainly Namasudra) who migrated from Bangladesh. They follow the teachings of Harichand and ...
   www.indianexpress.com/news/eye...matua.../550520/ - United States - Cached
6. Political parties woo Matua community

   28 Apr 2011 ... For Karl Marx, religion was the opium of the masses. But for the political parties in West Bengal — even for the Communist Party of ...
   www.business-standard.com › Home › Economy & Policy - Cached
7. Matua Community Profile(published)

   30 May 2003 ... A Community Profile for Matua. Statistics aboutMatua's people and economy.
   www2.stats.govt.nz/domino/external/web/...nsf/.../537000-au -Cached
8. Buddha lays foundation of college to woo Matua community

   31 Jan 2011 ... Barasat, 31 JAN: In a bid to woo the Matua community ahead of Assembly polls, the chief minister Mr Buddhadeb Bhattacherjee laid foundation ...
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The Trinamool Congress today formally staked claim to form government in West Bengal shortly after Mamata Banerjee was elected Leader of its Legislature Party.

A four-member Trinamool Congress delegation met Governor M K Narayanan and submitted a list of 184 party MLAs staking claim to form the government.

Trinamool Congress chief Banerjee was not in the delegation as she had left for Delhi with Union Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee to invite Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Congress President Sonia Gandhi for the swearing-in ceremony, the date of which has not yet been announced.

"We met the Governor and formally staked claim to form the government," party MP Sultan Ahmed, who was in the delegation, told reporters at Raj Bhavan.

Besides, Ahmed, newly-elected deputy leader of TC Legislature Party Partha Chatterjee, and senior leaders Subrata Mukherjee and Mukul Roy met the Governor.

Chatterjee said, "We have submitted the resolution passed by the legislators electing Mamata Banerjee unanimously as the Legislature Party leader.

"We have submitted a list containing signatures of 184 MLAs to the Governor," he said.

He said the Congress has already given a letter of support to the party.

Earlier, Banerjee told a meeting of newly-elected TC members that Congress and SUCI would be partners in the new ministry, the size of which would be small.

Mamata Banerjee was today formally elected Trinamool Congress Legislature Party leader and said pre-poll ally Congress would be part of her "small" ministry.

Two days after her party stormed to power with three- fourths majority, ending 34 years of Left Front rule in West Bengal , the name of 56-year-old Banerjee as TCLP leader was proposed by Subrata Bakshi.

The formality of her election was completed at Maharashtra Niwas hall in south Kolkata where all the 184 newly-elected Trinamool Congress MLAs were present.

Addressing the meeting, Banerjee said she was happy that the Congress had submitted a letter of support to a Trinamool Congress-led ministry to Governor M K Narayanan.

"We will also submit a letter to the Governor (with the list of supporters)," she said.

She said that her ministry would be small in size and Congress and SUCI would take part in it.

SUCI, which won one seat, has been requested to join the ministry, she said. "SUCI has said it will let us know," she said.

Partha Chatterjee was elected deputy leader and Sobhandev Chattopadhyay Chief Whip. Jyotipriya Mullick was elected Treasurer.

Railway Minister Banerjee, who is a member of Lok Sabha from a Kolkata constituency, will have to get herself elected to the state Assembly within six months. She is likely to contest from a constituency in south Kolkata, TC sources said.

1. Kulin Brahmins - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

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15 MAY, 2011, 01.54PM IST, ABHEEK BARMAN,ET BUREAU

Can Mamata Banerjee remake West Bengal?

Here's the first critical question that Mamata Banerjee, chief minister-elect of Bengal, faces: should her government's swearing-in ceremony be held in the relative privacy of Kolkata's sprawling Governor's House or should she and her ministers take oath among lakhs of adoring supporters in Kolkata's Brigade Parade grounds?

The only factor militating against the second option, which she prefers, is the utter bankruptcy of Bengal's finances. Can Mamata's freshly minted government afford the luxury of hiring thousands of chairs and erecting a giant shamiana at the Brigade grounds? Does, in other words, Bengal's exchequer afford a party?

In booming India, there's no other regime that's stumped by a question like this. So, to understand what the Trinamool-Congress administration is really up against in their mandate to rebuild Bengal, it's important to understand the rot in a system gnawed away by the communist party-state for 34 years.

Brain Drain

For starters, there's been a massive erosion of human capital and skills through 30 years that's become a major drag on the entire economy. It'll be one of Mamata's greatest challenges. "If she can boost education, health care and the work culture of the state, a lot of the work will be done," says economist Abhirup Sarkar of the Indian Statistical Institute. Bengal's fall from grace, in fact, goes back a long way.

The British Raj had made the then Calcutta a manufacturing hub. Less than two decades after the British left India, large manufacturing projects turned away from Bengal. Its first chief minister, Bidhan Chandra Roy, set up practically the only large post-Independence projects in the state between 1948 and 1962, the Chittaranjan Locomotive Works, Durgapur Steel and the massive Damodar Valley Corporation, modelled after America's Tennessee Valley Authority.

Apart from the sputtering Haldia Petrochemicals and a clutch of IT projects, the Left has nothing to show for the past 34 years. Compared to fast-industrialising states like Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra and Gujarat, Bengal is a laggard. That shows in the numbers: from 1980, three years after the Left came to power, the state's share of India's manufacturing has fallen off a cliff. The state's share in the national manufacturing has dwindled to 2.9% in 2007-08 from 11.5% in 1980-81.

*

One big reason for the flight of capital was political violence in Bengal from the late 1960s to the mid-1970s. Another was the Left's agitation, while in Opposition, against the Congress, which it termed "Tata-Birla's government". In power, the Left continued its politics of strikes and agitation.

*

Recently, as ex-chief minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee tried to woo businesses back to the state, the red unions went about shutting down work: in 2006, of the 20 million man days lost in labour disputes across India, Bengal accounted for 12.5 million, or 62%. The next year was worse: 27 million man days were lost across India, with Bengal alone snatching away 24 million man days, or 87% of the total. Capital, which had voted with its feet, has preferred to stay out.

http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/politics/nation/can-mamata-banerjee-remake-west-bengal/articleshow/8324602.cms

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ব্রাহ্মণ

আমাদের বর্তমান সমাজের ভদ্রসম্প্রদায়–অর্থাৎ বৈদ্য কায়স্থ ও বণিক-সম্প্রদায়–সমাজ যদি ইঁহাদিগকে দ্বিজ বলিয়া গণ্য না করে তবে ব্রাহ্মণের আর উত্থানের আশা নাই। এক পায়ে দাঁড়াইয়া সমাজ বকবৃত্তি করিতে পারে না।

বৈদ্যেরা তো উপবীত গ্রহণ করিয়াছেন। মাঝে মাঝে কায়স্থেরা বলিতেছেন তাঁহারা ক্ষত্রিয়, বণিকেরা বলিতেছেন তাঁহারা বৈশ্য–এ কথা অবিশ্বাস করিবার কোনো কারণ দেখি না। আকারপ্রকার বুদ্ধি ও ক্ষমতা, অর্থাৎ আর্যত্বের লক্ষণে, বর্তমান ব্রাহ্মণের সহিত ইঁহাদের প্রভেদ নাই। বঙ্গদেশের যে-কোনো সভায় পইতা না দেখিলে, ব্রাহ্মণের সহিত কায়স্থ সুবর্ণবণিক প্রভৃতিদের তফাত করা অসম্ভব। কিন্তু যথার্থ অনার্য অর্থাৎ ভারতবর্ষীয় বন্যজাতির সহিত তাঁহাদের তফাত করা সহজ। বিশুদ্ধ আর্যরক্তের সহিত অনার্যরক্তের মিশ্রণ হইয়াছে, তাহা আমাদের বর্ণে আকৃতিতে ধর্মে আচারে ও মানসিক দুর্বলতায় স্পষ্ট বুঝা যায়–কিন্তু সে মিশ্রণ ব্রাহ্মণ ক্ষত্রিয় বৈশ্য সকল সম্প্রদায়ের মধ্যেই রহিয়াছে।

তথাপি এই মিশ্রণ এবং বৌদ্ধযুগের সামাজিক অরাজকতার পরেও সমাজ ব্রাহ্মণকে একটা বিশেষ গণ্ডি দিয়া রাখিয়াছে। কারণ, আমাদের সমাজের যেরূপ গঠন, তাহাতে ব্রাহ্মণকে নহিলে তাহার সকল দিকেই বাধে, আত্মরক্ষার জন্য যেমন তেমন করিয়া ব্রাহ্মণকে সংগ্রহ করিয়া রাখা চাই। আধুনিক ইতিহাসে এমনও দেখা যায়, কোনো কোনো স্থানে বিশেষ-প্রয়োজন-বশত রাজা পইতা দিয়া একদল ব্রাহ্মণ তৈরি করিয়াও লইয়াছেন। বাংলাদেশে যখন ব্রাহ্মণেরা আচারে ব্যবহারে বিদ্যাবুদ্ধিতে ব্রাহ্মণত্ব হারাইয়াছিলেন তখন রাজা বিদেশ হইতে ব্রাহ্মণ আনাইয়া সমাজের কাজ চালাইতে বাধ্য হইয়াছিলেন। এই ব্রাহ্মণ যখন চারি দিকের প্রভাবে নত হইয়া পড়িতেছিল তখন রাজা কৃত্রিম উপায়ে কৌলীন্য স্থাপন করিয়া ব্রাহ্মণের নির্বাণোন্মুখ মর্যাদাকে খোঁচা দিয়া জাগাইতেছিলেন। অপর পক্ষে, কৌলীন্যে বিবাহসম্বন্ধে যেরূপ বর্বরতার সৃষ্টি করিল তাহাতে এই কৌলীন্যই বর্ণমিশ্রণের এক গোপন উপায় হইয়া উঠিয়াছিল।

যাহাই হউক, শাস্ত্রবিহিত ক্রিয়াকর্ম রক্ষার জন্য, বিশেষ আবশ্যকতাবশতই, সমাজ বিশেষ চেষ্টায় ব্রাহ্মণকে স্বতন্ত্রভাবে নির্দিষ্ট করিয়া রাখিতে বাধ্য হইয়াছিল। ক্ষত্রিয়-বৈশ্যদিগকে সেরূপ বিশেষভাবে তাহাদের পূর্বতন আচার কাঠিন্যের মধ্যে বদ্ধ করিবার কোনো অত্যাবশ্যকতা বাংলাসমাজে ছিল না। যে খুশি যুদ্ধ করুক, বাণিজ্য করুক, তাহাতে সমাজের বিশেষ কিছু আসিত যাইত না–এবং যাহারা যুদ্ধ বাণিজ্য কৃষি শিল্পে নিযুক্ত থাকিবে তাহাদিগকে বিশেষ চিহ্নের দ্বারা পৃথক করিবার কিছুমাত্র প্রয়োজন ছিল না। ব্যবসায় লোকে নিজের গরজেই করে, কোনো বিশেষ ব্যবস্থার অপেক্ষা রাখে না–ধর্মসম্বন্ধে সে বিধি নহে; তাহা প্রাচীন নিয়মে আবদ্ধ, তাহার আয়োজন রীতিপদ্ধতি আমাদের স্বেচ্ছাবিহিত নহে।

অতএব জড়ত্বপ্রাপ্ত সমাজের শৈথিল্যবশতই এক সময়ে ক্ষত্রিয়-বৈশ্য আপন অধিকার হইতে ভ্রষ্ট হইয়া একাকার হইয়া গেছে। তাঁহারা যদি সচেতন হন, যদি তাঁহারা নিজের অধিকার যথার্থভাবে গ্রহণ করিবার জন্য অগ্রসর হন, নিজের গৌরব যথার্থভাবে প্রমাণ করিবার জন্য উদ্যত হন, তবে তাহাতে সমস্ত সমাজের পক্ষে মঙ্গল, ব্রাহ্মণদের পক্ষে মঙ্গল।

ব্রাহ্মণদিগকে নিজের যথার্থ গৌরব লাভ করিবার জন্য যেমন প্রাচীন আদর্শের দিকে যাইতে হইবে, সমস্ত সমাজকেও তেমনি যাইতে হইবে; ব্রাহ্মণ কেবল একলা যাইবে এবং আর-সকলে যে যেখানে আছে সে সেখানেই পড়িয়া থাকিবে, ইহা হইতেই পারে না। সমস্ত সমাজের এক দিকে গতি না হইলে তাহার কোনো এক অংশ সিদ্ধিলাভ করিতে পারে না। যখন দেখিব আমাদের দেশের কায়স্থ ও বণিকগণ আপনাদিগকে প্রাচীন ক্ষত্রিয় ও বৈশ্য-সমাজের সহিত যুক্ত করিয়া বৃহৎ হইবার, বহু পুরাতনের সহিত এক হইবার চেষ্টা করিতেছেন এবং প্রাচীন ভারতের সহিত আধুনিক ভারতকে সম্মিলিত করিয়া আমাদের জাতীয় সত্তাকে অবিচ্ছিন্ন করিবার চেষ্টা করিতেছেন, তখনই জানিব আধুনিক ব্রাহ্মণ ও প্রাচীন ব্রাহ্মণের সহিত মিলিত হইয়া ভারতবর্ষীয় সমাজকে সজীবভাবে যথার্থভাবে অখন্ডভাবে এক করিবার কার্যে সফল হইবেন। নহিলে কেবল স্থানীয় কলহবিবাদ দলাদলি লইয়া বিদেশী প্রভাবের সাংঘাতিক অভিঘাত হইতে সমাজকে রক্ষা করা অসম্ভব হইবে, নহিলে ব্রাহ্মণের সম্মান অর্থাৎ আমাদের সমস্ত সমাজের সম্মান ক্রমে

তুচ্ছ হইতে তুচ্ছতম হইয়া আসিবে।

আমাদের সমস্ত সমাজ প্রধানতই দ্বিজসমাজ; ইহা যদি না হয়, সমাজ যদি শুদ্রসমাজ হয়, তবে কয়েকজনমাত্র ব্রাহ্মণকে লইয়া এ সমাজ য়ুরোপীয় আদর্শেও খর্ব হইবে, ভারতবর্ষীয় আদর্শেও খর্ব হইবে।

সমস্ত উন্নত সমাজই সমাজস্থ লোকের নিকট প্রাণের দাবি করিয়া থাকে,আপনাকে নিকৃষ্ট বলিয়া স্বীকার করিয়া আরামে জড়ত্বসুখভোগে যে সমাজ আপনার অধিকাংশ লোককে প্রশ্রয় দিয়া থাকে সে সমাজ মরে, এবং না'ও যদি মরে তবে তাহার মরাই ভালো।

য়ুরোপ কর্মের উত্তেজনায়, প্রবৃত্তির উত্তেজনায় সর্বাদাই প্রাণ দিতে প্রস্তুত–আমরা যদি ধর্মের জন্য প্রাণ দিতে প্রস্তুত না হই তবে সে প্রাণ অপমানিত হইতে থাকিলে অভিমান প্রকাশ করা আমাদের শোভা পায় না।

য়ুরোপীয় সৈন্য যুদ্ধানুরাগের উত্তেজনায় ও বেতনের লোভে ও গৌরবের আশ্বাসে প্রাণ দেয়, কিন্তু ক্ষত্রিয় উত্তেজনা ও বেতনের অভাব ঘটিলেও যুদ্ধে প্রাণ দিতে প্রস্তুত থাকে। কারণ, যুদ্ধ সমাজের অত্যাবশ্যক কর্ম, এক সম্প্রদায় যদি নিজের ধর্ম বলিয়াই সেই কঠিন কর্তব্যকে গ্রহণ করেন তবে কর্মের সহিত ধর্মরক্ষা হয়। দেশ-সুদ্ধ সকলে মিলিয়াই যুদ্ধের জন্য প্রস্তুত হইলে মিলিটারিজ্‌ম'এর প্রাবল্যে দেশের গুরুতর অনিষ্ট ঘটে।

বাণিজ্য সমাজরক্ষার পক্ষে অত্যাবশ্যক কর্ম। সেই সামাজিক আবশ্যকপালনকে এক সম্প্রদায় যদি আপন সাম্প্রদায়িক ধর্ম, আপন কৌলিক গৌরব বলিয়া গ্রহণ করেন, তবে বণিকবৃত্তি সর্বত্রই পরিব্যাপ্ত হইয়া সমাজের অন্যান্য শক্তিকে গ্রাস করিয়া ফেলে না। তা ছাড়া কর্মের মধ্যে ধর্মের আদর্শ সর্বদাই জাগ্রত থাকে।

ধর্ম এবং জ্ঞানার্জন, যুদ্ধ এবং রাজকার্য, বাণিজ্য এবং শিল্পচর্চা–সমাজের এই তিন অত্যাবশ্যক কর্ম। ইহার কোনোটাকেই পরিত্যাগ করা যায় না। ইহার প্রত্যেকটিকেই ধর্মগৌরব কুলগৌরব দান করিয়া সম্প্রদায়বিশেষের হস্তে সমর্পন করিলে তাহাদিগকে সীমাবদ্ধও করা হয়, অথচ বিশেষ উৎকর্ষসাধনেরও অবসর দেওয়া হয়।

কর্মের উত্তেজনাই পাছে কর্তা হইয়া আমাদের আত্মাকে অভিভূত করিয়া দেয়, ভারতবর্ষের এই আশঙ্কা ছিল। তাই ভারতবর্ষে সামাজিক মানুষটি লড়াই করে, বাণিজ্য করে, কিন্তু নিত্যমানুষটি, সমগ্র মানুষটি শুধুমাত্র সিপাই নহে, শুধুমাত্র বণিক নহে। কর্মকে কুলব্রত করিলে, কর্মকে সামাজিক ধর্ম করিয়া তুলিলে, তবে কর্মসাধনও হয়, অথচ সেই কর্ম আপন সীমা লঙ্ঘন করিয়া, সমাজের সামঞ্জস্য ভঙ্গ করিয়া, মানুষের সমস্ত মনুষ্যত্বকে আচ্ছন্ন করিয়া, আত্মার রাজসিংহাসন অধিকার করিয়া বসে না।

যাঁহারা দ্বিজ তাঁহাদিগকে এক সময় কর্ম পরিত্যাগ করিতে হয়। তখন তাঁহারা আর ব্রাহ্মণ নহেন, ক্ষত্রিয় নহেন, বৈশ্য নহেন–তখন তাঁহারা নিত্যকালের মানুষ–তখন কর্ম তাঁহাদের পক্ষে আর ধর্ম নহে, সুতরাং অনায়াসে পরিহার্য। এইরূপে দ্বিজসমাজ বিদ্যা এবং অবিদ্যা উভয়কে রক্ষা করিয়াছিলেন–তাঁহারা বলিয়াছিলেন, অবিদ্যয়া মৃত্যুং তীর্‌ত্বা বিদ্যয়ামৃতমশ্নুতে, অবিদ্যার দ্বারা মৃত্যু উত্তীর্ণ হইয়া বিদ্যার দ্বারা অমৃত লাভ করিবে। এই সংসারই মৃত্যুনিকেতন, ইহাই অবিদ্যা–ইহাকে উত্তীর্ণ হইতে হইলে ইহার ভিতর দিয়াই যাইতে হয়; কিন্তু এমনভাবে যাইতে হয়, যেন ইহাই চরম না হইয়া উঠে। কর্মকেই একান্ত প্রাধান্য দিলে সংসারই চরম হইয়া উঠে; মৃত্যুকে উত্তীর্ণ হওয়া যায় না; অমৃত লাভ করিবার লক্ষ্যই ভ্রষ্ট হয়, তাহার অবকাশই থাকে না। এইজন্যই কর্মকে সীমাবদ্ধ করা, কর্মকে ধর্মের সহিত যুক্ত করা–কর্মকে প্রবৃত্তির হাতে, উত্তেজনার হাতে, কর্মজনিত বিপুল বেগের হাতে, ছাড়িয়া না দেওয়া–এবং এইজন্যই ভারতবর্ষে কর্মভেদ বিশেষ বিশেষ জনশ্রেণীতে নির্দিষ্ট করা।

ইহাই আদর্শ। ধর্ম ও কর্মের সামঞ্জস্য রক্ষা করা এবং মানুষের চিত্ত হইতে কর্মের নানা পাশ শিথিল করিয়া তাহাকে এক দিকে সংসারব্রতপরায়ণ অন্য দিকে মুক্তির অধিকারী করিবার অন্য কোনো উপায় তো দেখি না। এই আদর্শ উন্নততম আদর্শ, এবং ভারতবর্ষের আদর্শ। এই আদর্শে বর্তমান সমাজকে সাধারণভাবে অধিকৃত ও চালিত করিবার উপায় কী, তাহা আমাদিগকে চিন্তা করিতে হইবে। সমাজের সমস্ত বন্ধন ছেদন করিয়া কর্মকে ও প্রবৃত্তিকে উদ্দাম করিয়া তোলা–সেজন্য কাহাকেও চেষ্টা করিতে হয় না। সমাজের সে অবস্থা জড়ত্বের দ্বারা, শৈথিল্যের দ্বারা আপনি আসিতেছে।

বিদেশী শিক্ষার প্রাবল্যে, দেশের অর্থনৈতিক অবস্থার প্রতিকূলতায়, এই ভারতবর্ষীয় আদর্শ সত্বর এবং সহজে সমস্ত সমাজকে অধিকার করিতে পারিবে না–ইহা আমি জানি। কিন্তু য়ুরোপীয় আদর্শ অবলম্বন করাই যে আমাদের পক্ষে সহজ এ দুরাশাও আমার নাই। সর্বপ্রকার আদর্শ পরিত্যাগ করাই সর্বাপেক্ষা সহজ, এবং সেই সহজ পথই আমরা অবলম্বন করিয়াছি। য়ুরোপীয় সভ্যতার আদর্শ এমন একটা আলগা জিনিস নহে যে, তাহা পাকা ফলটির মতো পাড়িয়া লইলেই কবলের মধ্যে অনায়াসে স্থান পাইতে পারে।

সকল পুরাতন ও বৃহৎ আদর্শের মধ্যেই বিনাশ ও রক্ষার একটি সামঞ্জস্য আছে। অর্থাৎ তাহার শক্তি বাড়াবাড়ি করিয়া মরিতে চায়, তাহার অন্য শক্তি তাহাকে সংযত করিয়া রক্ষা করে। আমাদের শরীরেও যন্ত্রবিশেষের যতটুকু কাজ প্রয়োজনীয়, তাহার অতিরিক্ত অনিষ্টকর, সেই কাজটুকু আদায় করিয়া সেই অকাজটুকুকে বহিস্কৃত করিবার ব্যবস্থা আমাদের শরীরতন্ত্রে রহিয়াছে; পিত্তের দরকারটুকু শরীর লয়, অদরকারটুকু বর্জন করিবার ব্যবস্থা করিতে থাকে।

এই-সকল সুব্যবস্থা অনেকদিনের ক্রিয়া প্রক্রিয়া প্রতিক্রিয়া-দ্বারা উৎকর্ষ লাভ করিয়া সমাজের শরীরবিধানকে পরিণতি দান করিয়াছে। আমরা অন্যের নকল করিবার সময় সেই সমগ্র স্বাভাবিক ব্যবস্থাটি গ্রহণ করিতে পারি না। সুতরাং অন্য সমাজে যাহা ভালো করে, নকলকারীর সমাজে তাহাই মন্দের কারণ হইয়া উঠে। য়ুরোপীয় মানবপ্রকৃতি সুদীর্ঘকালের কার্যে যে সভ্যতা-বৃক্ষটিকে ফলবান করিয়া তুলিয়াছে, তাহার দুটোএকটা ফল চাহিয়া-চিন্তিয়া লইতে পারি, কিন্তু সমস্ত বৃক্ষকে আপনার করিতে পারি না। তাহাদের সেই অতীতকাল আমাদের অতীত।

কিন্তু আমাদের ভারতবর্ষের অতীত যদি বা যত্নের অভাবে আমাদিগকে ফল দেওয়া বন্ধ করিয়াছে তবু সেই বৃহৎ অতীত ধ্বংস হয় নাই, হইতে পারে না; সেই অতীতই ভিতরে থাকিয়া আমাদের পরের নকলকে বারংবার অসংগত ও অকৃতকার্য করিয়া তুলিতেছে। সেই অতীতকে অবহেলা করিয়া যখন আমরা নূতনকে আনি তখন অতীত নিঃশব্দে তাহার প্রতিশোধ লয়–নূতনকে বিনাশ করিয়া, পচাইয়া, বায়ু দূষিত করিয়া দেয়। আমরা মনে করিতে পারি, এইটে আমাদের নূতন দরকার, কিন্তু অতীতের সঙ্গে সম্পূর্ণ আপসে যদি রফা নিষ্পত্তি না করিয়া লইতে পারি, তবে আবশ্যকের দোহাই পাড়িয়াই যে দেউড়ি খোলা পাইব তাহা কিছুতেই নহে। নূতনটাকে সিঁধ কাটিয়া প্রবেশ করাইলেও, নূতনে পুরাতনে মিশ না খাইলে সমস্তই পণ্ড হয়।

সেইজন্য আমাদের অতীতকেই নূতন বল দিতে হইবে, নূতন প্রাণ দিতে হইবে। শুষ্কভাবে শুদ্ধ বিচারবিতর্কের দ্বারা সে প্রাণসঞ্চার হইতে পারে না। যেরূপ ভাবে চলিতেছে সেইরূপ ভাবে চলিয়া যাইতে দিলেও কিছুই হইবে না। প্রাচীন ভারতের মধ্যে যে একটি মহান্‌ ভাব ছিল, যে ভাবের আনন্দে আমাদের মুক্তহৃদয় পিতামহগণ ধ্যান করিতেন, ত্যাগ করিতেন, কাজ করিতেন, প্রাণ দিতেন, সেই ভাবের আনন্দে, সেই ভাবের অমৃতে আমাদের জীবনকে পরিপূর্ণ করিয়া তুলিলে, সেই আনন্দই অপূর্ব শক্তিবলে বর্তমানের সহিত অতীতের সমস্ত বাধাগুলি অভাবনীয়রূপে বিলুপ্ত করিয়া দিবে। জটিল ব্যাখ্যার দ্বারা জাদু করিবার চেষ্টা না করিয়া, অতীতের রসে হৃদয়কে পরিপূর্ণ করিয়া দিতে হইবে। তাহা দিলেই আমাদের প্রকৃতি আপনার কাজ আপনি করিতে থাকিবে। সেই প্রকৃতি যখন কাজ করে তখনই কাজ হয়–তাহার কাজের হিসাব আমরা কিছুই জানি না–কোনো বুদ্ধিমান লোকে বা বিদ্বান লোকে এই কাজের নিয়ম বা উপায় কোনোমতেই আগে হইতে বলিয়া দিতে পারে না। তর্কের দ্বারা তাহারা যেগুলিকে বাধা মনে করে সেই বাধাগুলিও সহায়তা করে, যাহাকে ছোটো বলিয়া প্রমাণ করে সেও বড়ো হইয়া উঠে।

http://www.rabindra-rachanabali.nltr.org/node/8313

স্মৃতির পথ ধ'রে আন্দামানে (৪র্থ পর্ব)

রইসউদ্দিন

স্মৃতির পথ ধ'রে আন্দামানে(৪র্থ পর্ব)

লেখা-লেখির জগতে আমাকে আসতে হবে তা' কোনোদিন ভাবিনি।ছোট-খাটো পত্র-পত্রিকায় লিখতাম, তা' ছিল নিতান্ত খামখেয়ালিপনা।এসব নিয়ে কেউ বিশেষ গুরুত্ব দেয়নি।'মুক্তাঙ্গন' নামে এক  সাময়িক পত্রিকায় আমার লেখা একটি রূপক প্রকাশিত হয়;শিরোনাম ছিল:"বাঁচি কি মরি!" সেই থেকে বাঁচা-মরার খেলা চলছে।আমি তখন কর্মসূত্রে মধ্য-উত্তর আন্দামানে মায়াবন্দর কলেজের সরকারি বাসভবনে থাকি।শ্রী কৃষ্ণপ্রসাদ বিশ্বাস নামে এক শিক্ষক-বন্ধু স্থানীয় বাঙলা খবরের কাগজে প্রকাশিত এক দুঃসংবাদের কথা জানালেন।খবরটি সংক্ষেপে এই: পোর্টব্লেয়ারে সরকারি'কলেজ-কর্তৃপক্ষ  বাংলা বিভাগের বিলুপ্তি চাইছেন এক অযুহাত দেখিয়ে,তা' হ'ল:- বাংলাভাষী ছাত্র-ছাত্রীদের সংখ্যা নাকি প্রতি বছর অস্বাভাবিক হারে কমে যাচ্ছে।বর্তমান সংখ্যা নগণ্য। তা' ছাড়া বাংলা মাধ্যমে পড়ায় নাকি ছাত্র-ছাত্রীদের অনীহা প্রকাশ পাচ্ছে।আমার বন্ধুটি আমাকে এ বিষয়ে প্রতিবাদস্বরূপ কিছু লেখার জন্য বিশেষভাবে অনুরোধ করলেন যেহেতু কলেজ কর্তৃপক্ষের রিপোর্ট বিন্দুমাত্র সত্য নয়।এ শুধু বাংলা ভাষাকে নির্মূল করার এক কূট চক্রান্ত!এই অপ্রত্যাশিত খবর পেয়ে বন্ধুর ঠিকানায় এক দীর্ঘ চিঠি লিখে পাঠালাম।বন্ধু যে রাতারাতি সেই চিঠি কোনো সংবাদ-পত্রিকায় পাঠাবেন,তা' ভাবতে পারিনি।'সমুদ্র মেখলা' পত্রিকায় প্রকাশের পর জনমানসে তার প্রতিক্রিয়া শোনা গেল।কলেজ-কর্তৃপক্ষ অবশেষ মাতৃভাষার দাবি মেনে নিতে বাধ্য হলেন।বাংলা ভাষা স্বমহিমায় প্রতিষ্ঠিত হ'ল।এই ঘটনার পর থেকে আমি লেখা-লেখির জালে জড়িয়ে পড়লাম।........

আরো অনেক গুরুত্বপূর্ণ ঘটনার কথা সময়াভাবে বলতে পারছিনা।এজন্য কৌতুহলী পাঠক-বন্ধুদের কাছে ক্ষমাপ্রার্থী!তবে আন্দামান-নিকোবর দ্বীপপূঞ্জে ঘটে যাওয়া প্রলয়কান্ড সুনামির পর কিছু পত্র-পত্রিকায় লিখতে বাধ্য হয়েছিলাম; সেসব অভিজ্ঞতার কথা বলা প্রয়োজন মনে করছি।

আন্দামান-বিষয়ক কিছু লিখতে বসার আগে,গ্রন্থাগারে সযত্নে রাখা 'চিরহরিৎ আন্দামান,প্রবাল দ্বীপ নিকোবর' নামে এক বইতে চোখ বুলিয়ে নিয়েছিলাম এই ভেবে,--যদি কোনো নতুন তথ্য আমার চোখে ধরা পড়ে,তার সংযোজনে হয়তো আমার লেখার মান কিছুটা বেড়ে যাবে।কিন্তু হ'ল তার উল্টোটাই।মান বাড়াতে গিয়ে,মান বাঁচানো দায় হ'য়ে পড়লো!ওই বইতে 'আন্দামানে বাঙালি' শীর্ষক প্রবন্ধ পড়ার সময়,এক জায়গায় থমকে দাঁড়াতে হ'ল।লেখিকা (বন্দনা গুপ্ত) বলছেন: "এত বিশাল সংখ্যক বাঙালি ওখানে(আন্দামান-নিকোবর দ্বীপপূঞ্জে)গিয়ে বসবাস করছে যে একে রীতিমতো একটি বাংলাদেশই বলা যায়।কিন্তু এদের সঠিকভাবে পরিচালনা করার কেউ নেই।কেবলমাত্র চাষী পরিবার নিয়ে যাওয়ার ফলে শিক্ষিত 'বর্ণহিন্দু' নেই বললেই হয় এবং সেই জন্য এখানে সুস্থ সুন্দর একটি সমাজ গ'ড়ে উঠতে পারেনি।সামাজিক বন্ধনের অভাবে নীতিবোধ ও এদের বড়ই দূর্লভ।ওখানকার ঊর্বরা জমিতে প্রচুর ফসল ফলিয়ে হয়তো হাতে এসে গেল প্রচুর পয়সা,ভবিষ্যতের ভাবনা না ভেবে সরকারের ঋণ ঠিকমতো পরিশোধ না ক'রে বিরাট এক মহোৎসব বা নানা রকম বাবুয়ানি করেই হয়তো উড়িয়ে দিল সব পয়সা।বিরাট এক জনশক্তি নষ্ট হ'য়ে যাচ্ছে এইভাবে,কে তাদের পথ দেখাবে?ঠিকমতো পরিচালিত হ'লে,এরাই বাঙালির গৌরব হ'তে পারতো"।.....

এই বইটি আন্দামান দর্শনার্থীদের বিশেষতঃ কচি-কাঁচাদের অনেকটা প্রাথমিক গাইড্ হিসেবে কাজ করতে পারে,কিন্তু আন্দামানে বাঙালিদের সঠিক অবস্থান,তাঁদের সামাজিক ও সাংস্কৃতিক জীবন সম্পর্কে ভালোভাবে না জেনে,কোনো মন্তব্য করা শোভনীয় নয়।লেখিকার 'বর্ণহিন্দু' কথাতেই আমার আপত্তি।বর্ণপ্রথা, বঙ্গীয়/ভারতীয় সমাজ-সভ্যতা-সাহিত্য-সংস্কৃতিকে দূর্বল ক'রে দিয়েছে।এই বর্ণ বৈষম্যই আদি ভারত মাতাকে খন্ড-বিখন্ড করেছে।ক্রন্দনরতা দেশজননীর দূর্দশায় অসহায় সন্তানদল একটু নিরাপদ আশ্রয়ের খোঁজে ছিন্ন-বিচ্ছিন্ন হ'য়ে গেল,পূব থেকে পশ্চিম—পশ্চিম থেকে পূবে,উত্তর থেকে দক্ষিণে,—সুদূর দক্ষিণে,শুধু প্রাণরক্ষার তাগিদে;বাঁচার কথা তো পরে! কে পরালো মুন্ডমালা? বর্ণমালার অভিশাপ,নাকি বর্ণশ্রেষ্ঠদের বর্ণময় আশীর্বাদ?

লেখিকার কথায় 'বাঙালি' বলতেই যেন হিন্দু ধর্মালম্বীদের চিহ্ণিত করে;কিন্তু তাই কি? হিন্দু-মুসলিম-খৃস্টান যে কেউ বাঙালি হতেই পারেন।আর আন্দামানে এঁদের সহাবস্থান লক্ষ্য করার মতো।উত্তর আন্দামানে পশ্চিম সাগর,তালবাগান প্রভৃতি অঞ্চলে বহু খৃস্টীয় ধর্মালম্বী বাঙালিদের বসবাস।এদেঁর সাংস্কৃতিক বৈশিষ্ট্যও লক্ষণীয়:-এঁরা গির্জায় যীশুর কাছে প্রার্থনা করেন আবার হরিসভায় হরি সংকীর্তণও করেন।একদিকে বড়দিন বা ক্রিসমাস্,অন্যদিকে পূজা-পার্বণ,ঈদ,পোঙ্গাল(তামিল উৎসব),ওনাম(মালয়ালম উৎসব) কিছুই বাদ যায়না।আর এসব কিছুই উদযাপিত হয়  জাতিধর্ম নির্বিশেষে সব মানুষের সম্মিলিত প্রচেষ্টায়।যে কোনও উৎসব ভিন্ন ভিন্ন ধর্মপন্থীদের সমারোহে বর্ণাঢ্য হ'য়ে ওঠে।ধর্মবিচারে কাউকে আলাদা ক'রে চেনা যায়না।এটাই আন্দামান সংস্কৃতির বৈশিষ্ট্য।এমনই সর্বধর্মসমন্বিত মিলনাত্মক দৃশ্য দর্শনে,শুধু আন্দামানবাসী ছাড়া যে কোনও দেশী-বিদেশী মানুষের মনে খটকা লাগবে।সংস্কারবদ্ধ সনাতন সভ্য ব্যক্তিবর্গ তো একেবারেই সহ্য করতে পারবেননা।

আসল ব্যাপার হ'ল---বর্ণহিন্দু মানসিকতার উদ্ভব,ধর্মীয় গোঁড়ামি থেকে।'আর্য্য' শব্দটা-ই যত বিপত্তির/বিপর্যয়ের কারণ।ভাষাতত্ত্ববিদ্ সুনীতিকুমার চট্টোপধ্যায়ের কথায়: "'আর্য্যামি' নামের এই গোঁড়ামি,আমাদের দেশে নানা স্থানে,নানা মূর্তি ধরেছে---স্বাধীন চিন্তার শত্রু এই বহুরূপী রাক্ষসকে নিপাত না করলে,ইতিহাসচর্চা বা ভাষাতত্ত্বের আলোচনা কোনোটারই পথ নিরাপদ হয়না"।আরও বলেছেন:"বাঙালি জাতিটা যে একটা মিশ্র-অনার্য জাতি---মোঙ্গল,কোল,মোনখোর,দ্রাবিড় এইসব মিলে সৃষ্ট খিচুড়ী,যাতে আর্যত্বের গরম মশলাটুকু উপরে পড়েছে মাত্র,এ কথাটা স্বীকার করতে যেন কেমন লাগে! বাংলাদেশে ব্রাহ্মণ-বৈদ্য-কায়স্থ নাকি শতকরা ১০ জন মাত্র; যাঁরা ব্রাহ্মণাদি উচ্চ জাতির,তাঁদের মধ্যে দু'চারজন বড় গলায় 'বাঙালী-অনার্য্য' এ কথাটা বলেন বটে,কিন্তু বোধ হয়,তাঁরা মনে মনে একটু আত্মপ্রসাদ লাভ করেন যে তাঁরা 'ব্রাহ্মণ'।অতএব আর্য্যদের আর্য্যত্ব গরম মশলার একটা কণা,অনার্য্য চাল,ডাল,নুন।

আমি নিজে ব্রাহ্মণবংশীয়;কিন্তু আমার বিশ্বাস,গরম মশলাটুকুতেও ভেজাল আছে।প্রচ্ছন্ন আর্য্যামিটুকুর হাত থেকে অনেকেই একেবারে মুক্ত হতে পারেননা।Scientific disinterestedness যাকে বলে,সেটা বড় দূর্লভ [বাংলা ভাষার কুলজী:সুনীতি কুমার চট্টোপাধ্যায়]

আগের কথায় ফিরে আসি। লেখিকা নীতিবোধের কথা তুলেছেন।কিন্তু যদি প্রশ্ন ওঠে(প্রশ্ন ওঠাই স্বাভাবিক)---'বর্ণহিন্দু' হ'লেই কি নীতিজ্ঞান বা নৈতিক দায়িত্ববোধ জন্মায়? না,জন্মায়না;অন্ততঃ সাধারণ মানবিক বোধটুকুও আসেনা।আসুন,সাহিত্য ও ইতিহাসের পাতা খুলে দেখি:-রবীন্দ্র-সাহিত্যে 'মুসলমানী' গল্পে পিতৃমাতৃহীন ব্রাহ্মণ-কন্যা 'কমলা' কাকা-কাকীমার আশ্রয়ে আদরে-অনাদরে পালিতা হলেও বয়োঃসন্ধিকালে তাকে দ্বিজবরে সমর্পণ করা হয়। যাত্রীসহ পথিমধ্যে দস্যুর কবল থেকে  কমলা-কে নবাব হাবিব খাঁ রক্ষা করেন এবং নবাব-প্রতিষ্ঠিত মায়ের (নবাবের রাজপুতানী মা) স্মৃতিমন্দিরে ব্রাহ্মণ-ব্রাহ্মণীর তত্ত্বাবধানে রাখেন।রাত্রি অবসানে কমলার ইচ্ছানুসারে কমলা, কাকা-কাকীমার বাড়িতে ফিরে এলে,তা' সামাজিকভাবে অগ্রহণযোগ্য বিবেচিত হয়।মুসলমান-নবাবের আশ্রয়ে অস্পৃশ্যতার দোহাই দিয়ে,কমলাকে বিতাড়িত করা হয় ব্রাহ্মণ-সমাজ থেকে।এরপরের ঘটনা অজানা থাকলে আগ্রহী পাঠক নিশ্চয়ই জেনে নেবেন।

যাঁরা নিজেদের 'সনাতন হিন্দু' ব'লে গর্ব প্রকাশ করেন,তাঁদের প্রতি আমার আন্তরিক সহানুভুতি জানিয়ে বলতে চাই--- শুধু সামাজিক নিষ্ঠুর আচার-বিচার পদ্ধতি নয়,বর্ণবৈষম্যের জন্য তথাকথিত নিম্ন শ্রেণীভুক্ত মানুষদের কাল্পনিক দেবীর উদ্দেশে প্রাণ বিসর্জন দিতে হয়েছে।অসংখ্য উল্লেখ্য ঘটনা আছে;আমি তার একটা মাত্র মনে করিয়ে দিচ্ছি।

ইতিহাসের সূত্র ধ'রে ১৬০৬ খৃ: সম্রাট জাহাঙ্গীরের রাজত্বকালে,সুতানুটির উত্তর সীমান্তে ভয়াবহ ঘন জঙ্গলে আর জন্তু জানোয়ারে ভরা চিত্রপুর গ্রামে 'চিত্তেশ্বর রায়' দেবীর পরম ভক্ত ছিলেন।ষোড়শ উপচারের অন্যতম ছিল 'নরবলি'। এই চিত্তেশ্বরের নামানুসারে দেবীর নাম হয় 'চিত্রেশ্বরী' বা 'চিত্তেশ্বরী'।চিৎপুর নামের উৎপত্তিও একই কারণে।এই নরবলি প্রথা যে বংশপরম্পরায় চলেছিল, তার প্রমাণ মেলে ১৭৮৮ খৃ:২৪ শে এপ্রিল 'ক্যালকাটা গেজেট'-এর প্রকাশনায়। খবরটি ছিল এরকম:-"গত ৬-ই এপ্রিল(১৭৮৮ খৃ:))তারিখে অমাবস্যার দিন শনিবারে চিৎপুর কালীমন্দিরে একটি ভীষণ 'নরবলী' হইয়া গিয়াছে।অন্ধকারময় রজনীর অন্তরালে এই ভীষণ কান্ড,এক বা একাধিক লোক দ্বারা সংঘটিত হইয়াছে বলিয়া অনুমিত হইতেছে।কয়জন লোক এ ব্যাপারে লিপ্ত ছিল তাহার বিশেষ কোনো প্রমাণ পাওয়া যায় নাই।।মন্দিরের পুরোহিত বলেন যে,তিনি রাত্রে পূজাদির পর যথারীতি দ্বার বন্ধ করিয়া চলিয়া গিয়াছিলেন।সম্ভবতঃ কেহ গভীর রাত্রে দ্বার ভাঙিয়া মন্দির মধ্যে প্রবেশ করে। যে মানুষটিকে বলী দেওয়া হইয়াছিল,তাহার রুধিরাক্ত মুন্ডটি মন্দিরের প্রতিমার পদতলের উপর ছিল।ধড়টা মন্দিরের বাহিরে একটি স্থানে পড়িয়াছিল।তাহা ছাড়া একখানি রৌপ্যালঙ্কারও প্রতিমার নিকট ছিল।এই নরবলী যজ্ঞের উপযুক্ত যে সমস্ত পাত্রাদির প্রয়োজন,তাহাও সেই স্থানে পাওয়া গিয়াছে।যে শাস্ত্রের বিধানানুসারে এইরূপ নরবলী দিবার নিয়ম আছে,তদনুযায়ী এই সমস্ত পাত্রাদি নির্মিত হইয়াছে।পূজার উপকরণ,জিনিসপত্র ও মূল্যবান বস্ত্রালঙ্কারাদি দেখিয়া প্রমাণ হইতেছে,কোনো ধনবান বাঙ্গালী এই ঘটনার মূলে আছেন।অনুষ্ঠান পদ্ধতি দেখিয়া ইহাও বোধ হয়,তিনি কেবল ধনবান নহেন,তন্ত্রাদি শাস্ত্রে সুপন্ডিত।যাহাকে বলী দেওয়া হইয়াছে,তাহার আকৃতি দেখিয়া চন্ডাল শ্রেণীর লোক বলিয়া বোধ হইতেছে।সাধারণে এই অনুমানেরই সমর্থন করিয়াছে।নিহত ব্যক্তি কলিকাতার লোক নহে,সম্ভবতঃ নিকটস্থ কোনো পল্লীগ্রাম হইতে তাহাকে আনা হইয়াছিল।ঘটনাস্থলে ফৌজদার সাহেব স্বয়ং উপস্থিত থাকিয়া তদারক করেন।তিনি মন্দিরের নিত্য-পূজক ব্রাহ্মণকে গ্রেপ্তার করিয়াছেন বটে,কিন্তু এ পর্য্যন্ত কোনোরূপ নূতন কথা এখনও জানিতে পারা যায় নাই।...২৪/৪/১৭৮৮" [হরিসাধন মুখোপাধ্যায়ের লেখা 'কলিকাতা সেকালের ও একালের' গ্রন্থ থেকে]

পাঠক-বন্ধু !এবার আমার মুখ ফেরাতে হয়,আমার স্বপ্নে ঘেরা সবুজ আন্দামানের দিকে। আন্দামানে বাঙালি জনগোষ্ঠী মূলতঃ পূর্ববঙ্গ (বর্তমান বাংলাদেশ) থেকে উদ্বাস্তু হয়ে এসেছেন।কিন্তু কেন? পূর্ববঙ্গে তাঁরা থাকতে পারলেননা কেন? ঐ একই কারণে---'বর্ণবৈষম্য'। ব্রাহ্মণদের অকথ্য অত্যাচারে এবং কুসংস্কারাচছন্ন সমাজব্যবস্থার চাপে,নিম্নশ্রেণিভূক্ত মানুষদের দম বন্ধ হয়ে আসতো।উদার প্রকৃতির আলো-বাতাস-জল গ্রহণ করার অধিকার তাদের ছিলনা।সিরাজসাঁই,লালন ফকির,সন্ত কবীর,কাজী নজরুলের মূল্য দিতে চাননি বর্ণশ্রেষ্ঠরা।মূল্য দিতে হয়েছিল অসহায় শিশু,নারী ও অভাগা-দলের প্রাণ দিয়ে।আন্দামানে মতুয়া সম্প্রদায়ের কাছে সেই মর্মান্তিক ইতিহাসের সাক্ষ্য-প্রমাণ আজও আছে।শ্রী শ্রী হরিচাঁদ ঠাকুর এই অসহায়,নিঃসম্বল মানুষদের মুক্তির পথ দেখিয়েছিলেন একতাবদ্ধ শক্তির সাহায্যে।এঁরা কোনো জাতপাতের ধার ধারেননা;কোনো ব্রাহ্মণকে দিয়ে পুজো করাননাআন্দামানে এক বড় জনশক্তির শক্তিধর এঁরাই 'মতুয়া সম্প্রদায়'।...শিক্ষিত 'বর্ণহিন্দু' যে আন্দামানে উদ্বাস্তু হয়ে আসেননি তা' বললে ভুল হবে।দক্ষিণ আন্দামানের শেষ প্রান্ত তিরুর গ্রাম থেকে মধ্য এবং উত্তর আন্দামানে সাগর দ্বীপ (Smith Island)[লিটল্ আন্দামান,নীল-দ্বীপ ও পরী-দ্বীপসহ]পর্য্যন্ত বিস্তৃত অঞ্চলে বহু ব্রাহ্মণ,বৈদ্য,কায়স্থ শ্রেণির লোকেদের বসবাস।কিন্তু তাঁরা আজ আর বর্ণবৈষম্যের কথা ভাবেননা।স্বজাতি-বিজাতি,স্বধর্মী-বিধর্মী,স্পৃশ্য-অস্পৃশ্য,জল-পানি-ওয়াটার-তান্নি,ভাই-তাম্বি,দাদা-আন্না  মিলেমিশে সব একাকার হয়ে গেছে।শুরু হয়েছে এক সংস্কারমুক্ত সমাজ, নতুন প্রজন্ম।

"পুণ্যে পাপে দুঃখে সুখে পতনে উত্থানে

মানুষ হইতে দাও তোমার সন্তানে।

হে স্নেহার্ত বঙ্গভূমি—তব গৃহক্রোড়ে

চিরশিশু ক'রে আর রাখিওনা ধ'রে

দেশ-দেশান্তর মাঝে যার যেথা স্থান

খুজিঁয়া লইতে দাও করিয়া সন্ধান"।

বঙ্গমাতার প্রতি রবীন্দ্রনাথের এই মর্মস্পর্শী আবেদন যেন সত্য হয়ে উঠেছে,রূপসী আন্দামানের জলে-স্থলে-অন্তরীক্ষে!আমরা সবুজ দ্বীপের বাঙালি আজ দৃপ্তকন্ঠে ঘোষণা করতে পারি:বর্ণবৈষম্য ভুলে,পাপ-পুণ্য-দুঃখ-সুখের দোলায় চ'ড়ে,স্বাধীন মনুষ্যত্বের ধর্মাচরণে 'মানুষ' ব'লে পরিচয় দিতে পারছি।.......(চলবে)

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পশ্চিমবঙ্গের বাঙালি জাতীয়তাবাদ

দুই

একবার কলকাতায় গিয়েছি একটা কাজে। তখন আমদের বসবাস দিল্লিতেই। হাতে পয়সাকড়ি যা আছে, তাতে দু-তিনদিনের বেশি চলবে না। ক্রেডিট কার্ডের কোনও গল্প নেই। তখনও আমি দিল্লিতে অধ্যাপনার চাকরি পাইনি, ইন্টারভিউ দিয়ে চলেছি। সবাই করুণার হাসি হেসে বলছেন, চেনাজানা ছাড়া কি আর জেনেরাল ক্যাটিগরিতে চাকরি হয়! স্ত্রী ফোনে বলছেন দিল্লিতে ফিরে যেতে, কাজ মাথায় থাকুক। কিন্তু আমার দুটো একটা বিষয়ে বেশ বাঙালপনা আছে। যদিও অর্ধাঙ্গিনী বলেন যে আমি ঘটিফায়েড বাঙাল। সেটা খাদ্যাভাসে।

আমি রবীন্দ্র সদনের সিঁড়ির এককোনায় বসে ছিলাম। সঙ্গে কোনও বন্ধু নেই। কলেজ-বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ে পড়ার সময় এই চত্বরটা খুব প্রিয় ছিল। সবদিনের মতই সেদিন কিছু একটা অনুষ্ঠান চলছে। কিছু বিশেষ অনুষ্ঠান, কারণ একের পর এক ধুতি পাঞ্জাবি ও জমকালো শাড়ি পরিহিত অভিজাত পঞ্চাশোর্ধ বাঙালি নারী-পুরুষ এসে গাড়ি থেকে নামছিলেন, এবং উদ্যোক্তারা সমাদর করে তাদের ভেতরে নিয়ে যাচ্ছিল। কোনও অল্পবয়সী অভ্যাগতকে দেখিনি। আমার মনে হচ্ছিল, যে এটাই খুব সম্ভবত বাঙালিয়ানা। এক্সক্লুসিভ, নাক-উঁচু, উচ্চ-ভ্রূ, মেনোপজ়াল, এবং সংস্কৃতিপরায়ণ। এর সঙ্গে সাধারণ বাঙালির, জীবনযুদ্ধে নামা বাঙালির, যুবা-বাঙালির যোগ কোথায়?

বাঙালি বললে বহুদিন ধরে শুধু বাঙালি হিন্দু বোঝানো হয়েছে, আজও পশ্চিমবঙ্গের অনেক স্বল্পশিক্ষিত মানুষ এইভাবে বাঙালি শব্দটা ব্যবহার করেন। আমরা বাঙালি এবং ওরা মুসলমান। আর বাঙালি হিন্দু বললে অবশ্যই বাঙালি ব্রাহ্মণ বৈদ্য কায়স্থ। আমাদের দেশভাগ হবে না তো কাদের হবে!

বাঙালি জাতীয়তাবাদ কি? সাধারণ বাঙালির সঙ্গে এর সম্পর্ক কি? বাঙালি জাতীয়তাবাদকে কি জ্যাঠা জাতীয়তাবাদ বলে যায়, অর্থাৎ এ শুধু বিভিন্ন ক্ষেত্রের জ্যেষ্ঠদের একচেটিয়া? স্টার আনন্দের প্যানেল আলোচনায় যারা স্টুডিও আলো করে বসে থাকেন, তাঁরা কি আমাদের জাতির অভিভাবক? বাঙালি জাতীয়তাবাদ মানে কি অবাঙালি বা বিদেশিরা কোনও বাঙালিকে সাফল্যের স্বীকৃতি দিলে তাই নিয়ে খবরের কাগজ ও নিউজ় চ্যানেলে ব্রেকিং নিউজ়? একজন লিখেছিলেন, বাঙালির শুধু সৌরভ গাঙ্গুলি ও অমর্ত্য সেন, দুটি বই ল্যাজ মোর নাই রে! যেমন কিছুদিন আগে আনন্দবাজারে খবর হল যে বাঙালি বিজ্ঞানি আমেরিকার জন্য যুদ্ধবিমান বানিয়েছেন। যেমন সেরা বাঙালির পুরস্কার দেওয়ার জন্য আ.বা.প. সিঙ্গাপুর, দিল্লি, বম্বে ও অ্যামেরিকা থেকে বাঙালি খুঁজে আনে। প্রশ্ন হল, এই হ্যাংলামি ও আদেখলেপনা কি বাঙালি জাতীয়তাবাদ? বিদেশ-বিভুঁইয়ে দু-একটি বাঙালির সাফল্যে ছাগলের তিননম্বর ছানার মত লম্ফ দেওয়া কি বাঙালি জাতীয়তাবাদ? এবং সর্বোপরি, এমন একটা অবস্থার সৃষ্টি কেন হল, যে বাঙালির জীবনে বামফ্রন্ট হল ভিত্তি আর আনন্দবাজার হল ভবিষ্যৎ?

হাজার বছর ধরে বাঙালি জাতি শাসিত হচ্ছে comprador শ্রেণির দ্বারা। বৌদ্ধধর্মের বিলুপ্তির পরে যে দুটি ধর্ম আমাদের গ্রাস করেছে, সনাতন ধর্ম ও ইসলাম, দুটিই পশ্চিম থেকে আগত। বৌদ্ধধর্ম আমাদের মননের খুব কাছাকাছি ছিল, ভৌগলিক দিক থেকেও সেই নৈকট্য খুব প্রকট, কারণ এটি ছিল পূর্বভারতের ধর্ম। সনাতন ধর্মের জাতপাত আমাদের কুৎসিত অভিশাপ। আর পূর্ববঙ্গে প্রচারিত ইসলামের গোঁড়ামি, সাম্প্রদায়িকতা, ভিন ধর্মের প্রতি নোংরা বিদ্বেষ এবং ভিনধর্মীকে নিকেশ করে পূণ্যার্জন এসবের কথা যত কম বলা যায় ততই ভাল।

আমাদের সমাজ যাঁরা শাসন করছেন, গত হাজার বছর ধরে করে আসছেন, তাঁরা যথাক্রমে সনাতন ধর্ম ও ইসলামের অনুমোদিত দালাল শ্রেণি। এটা বাঙালি জাতীয়তাবাদের প্রধান দুর্বলতা। এই সমস্যা, যেমন ধরুন, দ্রাবিড় জাতীয়তাবাদের হয়নি। কেন হয়নি সে প্রসঙ্গে একটু পরে আসছি।

বিষয়টা অবশ্য এমন একদেশদর্শী নয়। বাঙালি উচ্চবর্ণ সবসময় দালালি করেননি। ভক্তি আন্দোলন এই সনাতন ধর্মী নিপীড়নকে কিছুটা স্তিমিত করেছিল। আমি চৈতন্যের কথা বলছি। আচারভ্রষ্ট, এই অভিযোগ এখানকার উচ্চবর্ণের বিরুদ্ধে বহুবার উঠেছে। বাঙালি ব্রাহ্মণকে উত্তরভারত ঠিক ব্রাহ্মণ বলে মানেও নি কখনও। তার কারণ অনেকগুলি। আমাদের উচ্চারণ, খাদ্যাভ্যাস, রক্তে প্রবল ভেজাল (বস্তুত বাঙালি উচ্চবর্ণের অনেকের গায়ের রঙ ঘোর কালো, ওদিকে বর্ণ কথাটার মূল অর্থই ছিল গাত্রবর্ণ। বাঙালি উচ্চবর্ণ নৃবিদ্যা অনুসারে অস্ট্রিক, মোঙ্গল, এবং দ্রাবিড় রক্তের অনেক বেশি কাছাকাছি, সেটা আমরা যারা উত্তরভারতে থাকি, ভালোরকম বুঝি)। আর সীমিতভাবে হিন্দু উচ্চবর্নের মধ্যে একটি রেনেসাঁস, রিফর্মেশন ও এনলাইটেনমেন্ট হয়েছিল ঊনবিংশ শতাব্দিতে, সেটা নস্যাৎ করা উচিত নয়।

ইসলামের ইতিহাস আমি খুব বেশি জানি না, তবে লালন ফকির আছেন। যদিও তিনি আসলে হিন্দু ছিলেন, এবং সনাতন ধর্মের ছুঁৎমার্গের সমস্যায় পড়ে কিভাবে ইসলাম গ্রহণ করেছিলেন, তা আমাদের জানা। বাঙালি মুসলমানরা অধিকাংশই ধর্মান্তরিত বৌদ্ধ বা হিন্দু, এবং এই ধর্মান্তরকরণ তরবারির জোরে কিছুটা হয়েছে এটা সত্যি। ইসলামি শাসকরা ছ'শো বছর বাংলার অধিকারি ছিলেন এবং অধুনা বাংলাদেশ (যার রাষ্ট্রধর্ম ইসলাম) ইসলামি মৌলবাদিদের খানিকটা দখলে। কাজেই এমন হওয়া অস্বাভাবিক নয়। কিন্তু ধর্মান্তরকরণ মূলত হয়েছে সনাতনধর্মের জাতপাতের সমস্যায়। সৈয়দ মুজতবা আলি বলেছিলেন, পূর্ববঙ্গে ইসলাম এসেছিল সাম্যের বার্তা নিয়ে, নাবিকদের মাধ্যমে, আর পশ্চিমবঙ্গে তা ছিল পাঠান-মোঘল শাসকের রক্তচক্ষু। তাই এমন আশ্চর্য কাণ্ড দেখতে পাওয়া যায়। বাকি ভারতে ইসলাম ছড়িয়েছে একভাবে, বাংলায় অন্যভাবে। ইসলাম ভারতের পশ্চিমে থাকল, যা তার সাম্রাজ্য বিস্তারের itinerary তেই পড়ে। বাংলায় এসে সেটি পালটে গেল। পশ্চিম নয়, পূর্ব ইসলামে আস্থা জানাল। যদিও প্রাতিষ্ঠানিক ইসলাম সেই সাম্যপরায়ণ প্রাক্তন বৌদ্ধদের খুব শিগগিরি গ্রাস করে নিয়ে এক মনোলিথিক ধাঁচায় পুরে দিতে দেরি করবেনা।

বাঙালি হিন্দু সমাজের দুটি প্রধান উচ্চবর্ণ, ব্রাহ্মণ ও কায়স্থ, দুটিই এসেছে উত্তরভারত থেকে। কিংবদন্তি, রাজা আদিশূর পাঁচটি ব্রাহ্মণ ও পাঁচটি কায়স্থ আনিয়েছিলেন। আহা, সেই দত্ত কারও ভৃত্য নয় গল্পটি জেনে দত্তদের প্রতি আমার বেশ পক্ষপাত জন্মে যায়। যদিও অনেক বাঙালি আজও কায়স্থরা যে উত্তরভারতীয় তা ঠিক জানেন না। অমিতাভ বচ্চন একজন কায়স্থ। ওড়িশাতেও কায়স্থরা একটি প্রধান, আধিপত্যময় জাত এবং সেখানে এরা করণ বলে পরিচিত। পট্টনায়করা এই জাতের অন্তর্গত। এরা সিভিল সার্ভেন্ট ও কেরাণির কাজ করতেন, কাজেই সরকারের কাজে অপরিহার্য। বাঙালি বৈদ্যরা একটু অন্যরকম কেস, এ বিষয়ে আলাদাভাবে কিছু লিখতে চেষ্টা করছি, তাই এখন আর কিছু লিখলাম না। বাঙালি নিম্নবর্ণের মধ্যে নমশূদ্ররা একটি ভীষণ আকর্ষণীয় ইতিহাস বহন করেন, এবং সে ব্যাপারে আমি খুবই আগ্রহী ও কিঞ্চিত পড়াশোনা করছি, এবং তাঁদের বিষয়ে একটি লেখায় হাত দিতে চাই, তাই ও ব্যাপারেও আর কিছু লিখলাম না।

একটা বড় অংশের নিম্নবর্গীয় বাঙালিরা ইসলাম গ্রহণ করায়, উচ্চবর্নের বিরুদ্ধে, সনাতন ধর্মীয় আধিপত্যের বিরুদ্ধে যেভাবে দ্রাবিড় আন্দোলন গড়ে উঠতে পেরেছিল, সে সম্ভাবনা বাংলায় দেখা দেয়নি। কিন্তু স্বাধীনতা আন্দোলনের সময় বাংলায় এস সি ফেডারেশন যথেষ্ট শক্তিশালী ছিল, এর নেতারা মুসলিম লিগের সঙ্গে আঁতাতবদ্ধ হয়ে পাকিস্তানের দাবীকে সমর্থন করেছিলেন। যোগেন্দ্রনাথ মন্ডল স্বাধীন পাকিস্তান সরকারের মন্ত্রীও হন। এরপরের ইতিহাস অত্যন্ত ট্র্যাজিক। তিনি ১৯৫০ সালে প্রাণ বাঁচাতে ভারতে পালিয়ে আসেন, এবং কলকাতার ঠাকুরপুকুর অঞ্চলের একটি বস্তিতে ৫৬ সালে মারা যান। বাঙালি হিন্দু নিম্নবর্নের পাকিস্তানের দাবীকে সমর্থনের জন্য দুয়েকটি হিন্দুপ্রধান জেলা পূর্ব পাকিস্তানে চলে যায়, কাজেই উচ্চবর্গীয় নেতারা যোগেন্দ্রকে ক্ষমা করবেন না, জানা কথা। দেশভাগের ট্র্যাজেডি আসলে বাঙালি হিন্দু নিম্নবর্ণের ট্র্যাজেডি। এবং সেই যে এস সি ফেডারেশনের শিড়দাঁড়া ভেঙ্গে যায়, আজ পর্যন্ত নিম্নবর্ণরা পশ্চিমবঙ্গের রাজনীতিতে (বাংলাদেশের কথা ছেড়েই দিলাম, সেখানে হিন্দুরা ক্রমশ দেশত্যাগ করছে) ব্রাত্য হয়েই আছেন, বাকি ভারতে যেখানে দলিতদের (অন্তত তাদের একটা অংশের) ক্ষমতায়ন হয়েছে। বাঙালি দলিত পূর্বে অর্ধচন্দ্র খেয়েছেন, আর পশ্চিমে মরিচঝাঁপি পেয়েছেন।

বাঙালি জাতীয়তাবাদের প্রধান সমস্যা এই। এদিকে ভদ্রলোক শাসিত, ওদিকে মুসলিম এলিট শাসিত (একজন ঐতিহাসিক লিখেছিলেন, এদিকে ব্রাবৈকা, ওদিকে শেসৈকা। অর্থাৎ এদিকে ব্রাহ্মণ বৈদ্য কায়স্থ, ওদিকে শেখ সৈয়দ কাজি)। পশ্চিমবঙ্গের বামপন্থি আন্দোলন, যেটি আসলে কাঁঠালের আমসত্ব থেকে গেছে, এই ভদ্রলোক ডমিনেশন আর স্তালিনবাদি ভালগার মার্ক্সবাদের যুগলবন্দীতে (একে রামে রক্ষা নেই, সুগ্রীব দোসর) একের পর এক বিপর্যয় ঘটিয়ে এখন খুব সঙ্গত কারণেই গঙ্গাপ্রাপ্তির অপেক্ষায়।

http://tamaldasgupta.blogspot.com/2010/09/blog-post.html

Editorial

Wanted caste wars to finish fake marxists : Bengali Bhadralok took communism to fight Muslims COM. AYYANKALI Just as DV blasted Jyoti Basu, EMS, Varavara Rao and Prachanda, it is extremely important to expose the Bengali Brahmin, Kanu Sanyal, who died recently and also his fake Marxism-Leninism. Unmasking of such corrupt Brahmin marxists is absolutely essential. In May 2007, Bengali journalist Avijit Ghosh asked founder of the CPI (ML), Kanu sanyal: "Did you meet Mao secretly in 1967?" Source: http://blogs.timesof india.indiatimes.com/Addictions / entry/when-i-met-kanu-sanyal Kanu Sanyal's answer was: "Yes. It was a 45-minute meeting. We went by road to Kathmandu. From there Chinese comrades took us by jeep to Peking. We stayed in Tibet too. We reached China on Sept. 30. The next day we saw them celebrate October 1 as National Day. I could see people weeping after seeing Mao. We met Mao, Chou En Lai and the commander in chief. Mao's advice was: whatever you learn in China, try to forget it. Go to your own country, try to understand the specific situation and carry the revolution forward." But did Kanu Sanyal really study the specific situation in India as Mao directed? No. Never did Kanu Sanyal do that honestly in his lifetime. If he had done so, he would have understood the peculiar and complex dynamics of the caste system. Why did he fail in analysing the specific situation in India? Why did he fail to understand the social structure of India comprising the ascending order of reverence and descending degree of contempt? Even when he led Naxalbari struggle, why did he not notice the casteand ethnic patterns of Bahujan exploited landless and Brahminical landlords? MECHANICAL MARXISM Even after so much of grassroots level practical political experience, how did he fail to understand the basics like Brahminised OBC Yadavs kill Dalits? Or that in Khairlanji, it is the OBC Kunbis who killed a Dalit family? How is it that he managed to miss the caste struggle in all Marxist-Leninist parties? Is this due to sheer intellectual dishonesty or intellectual incompetence? Or does it have much to do with the Brahminical way in which Kanu Sanyal was conditioned? Did his Brahminical conditioning destroy or subvert his efforts to study Indian reality? Did he deliberately ignore and hide this reality because he was a Brahmin? These are questions which every genuine marxist revolutionary should ask. When socialist Lohia could say that "Caste is Class" openly and when CPI's own Brahmin Chaturanan Mishra also said that if communists had understood caste, they would have captured power in India, why is it that other Brahmin communists never managed to officially formulate a "caste war" theory suited to the "specific situation of India" as Mao put it? What stopped Brahmin marxists from doing this? BENGALI WANDERING BEGGARS Is this because Brahmins are by nature mechanical and metaphysical in their approach, and incapable of materialist thinking? The fact is it is much easier to become an atheist or communist politically — rather than give up casteism altogether in all its forms: socially and culturally. Several rich people are atheists. Naastik or atheist philosophy is followed by several Brahmins. But will they ever give up their socio-economic and cultural privileges voluntarily? It is because these social privileges give them a distinct and unfair advantage. Similarly, upper caste status also gives both social, economic, sexual and psychological privileges. No Brahmin will give up his social and cultural privileges, even if he surrenders his entire property in typical Brahminical fake ascetic fashion — just like EMS. They renounce everything to conquer. Bengali Brahmins are literally supposed to be wandering beggars — but in reality they are absentee landlords who always pretend to be "poor Brahmin" ascetics. In reality, these wandering Bengali KulinBrahmins used to beg for land, and whenever they "beg", people have to part with their land to these de facto absentee Brahmin landlords. This is how Brahmins became Bengal's biggest landlords. So why did they keep on wandering? To "beg" for more land. Not only that, it was considered a "privilege" to give away young daughters to such wandering Kulin Brahmins, especially when they "beg" for it. Why? Because, in this birth itself, jati ascent will be made possible. So these Brahmins used to literally wander throughout Bengal to acquire land and screw young girls, who would then be abandoned. These young girls used to perpetually await their aged Brahmin lords and masters who used to rarely visit them — only to screw them and impregnate them — and then abandon them again. Once these roving Brahmin stud bulls died, the girls were forced to commit sati. SOMNATH CHATTERJI AS STUD BULL It is from one such roving Brahmin stud bull family that our sacked CPM leader Somnath Chatterjee comes from. His father, N.C. Chatterjee, was a lawyer and a roving stud bull who was also a Hindu Mahasabha leader. In fact, Sushma Swaraj of the BJP even reminded him of this fact on the floor of the Lok Sabha telling: "Somnath, despite your father being in Hindu Mahasabha, how come you are in CPM and not with us in the BJP?" Sushma has still not understood that these Brahmins have merely changed their tactics. They have dumped poor and ineffective traditional Brahminical Hindutva strategies to adopt the much more effective and sophisticated Marxist strategies. They keep on changing their strategies and tactics, without forgetting their caste interests and caste objectives. Ends justify the means. M.N. ROY STUNTS Brahmins like Somnath Chatterjee and that pioneer of communism in India — Manabendra Nath Roy (M. N. Roy) who was in the Comintern during Lenin's time and then became a so-called "radical humanist" revisionist, merely changed tactics to keep Brahminism alive. M.N. Roy was a Bhattacharya. Manabendra Roy was merely his assumed name and party name. Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Manabendra_Nath_Roy Manabendra Nath Roy (Bengali), March 21,1887 – January 25, 1954), born Narendra Nath Bhattacharya, popularly known as M. N. Roy, was a Bengali Indian revolutionary, internationally known political theorist and activist, founder of the communist parties in Mexico and India. He later denounced communism, as exponent of the philosophy of Radical Humanism. Oxford University Press, UK, has already published his works in four volumes and the fifth is in the press. After pursuing his search of arms through Asia, Naren reached Palo Alto, and changed his name to Manabendra Nath Roy to evade British intelligence. COMMUNIST GARB HIDES RACISM Brahmins may temporarily give up their economic status, but never, ever will they give up their socio-cultural privileges. Because, they know that wealth will come and go — but social and cultural, as well as racial superiority is everlasting. Why a Brahminical scum like Somnath Chatterjee, Narendra Nath Bhattacharya as well as EMS and Nayanar take to communism? Well, they found it a better tactic to mislead the majority Bahujan masses under an ambiguous "class struggle". Under "class struggle", they could also claim to be "poor Brahmins". Caste nepotism could also go on — hidden under the "class" banner and marxist phraseology. But under "caste struggle" theory, their caste men will be targeted. CONVERSION TO ISLAM But there was that most important reason — due to their earlier exploitation, both in Kerala and Bengal, the majority Moolnivasi masses had resorted to conversion to Islam and Christianity to escape the Brahminical enslavement. To an extent, the masses succeeded breaking the socio-cultural Brahminical stranglehold. ISLAM DEFEATED BRAHMINS As a result, three-fourths of United Bengal including today's Bangladesh became Islamic. All these were Bahujans. The "Hindu" Brahmins became a minority in Bengal. Brahminical trick No.1 was to carve out a "Hindu majority" West Bengal by allying with the British for partition. Here they failed. Trick No.2 was giving up typical Bengali Brahmin terrorism by the likes of Bagha Jatin Mukherjee as well as Aurobindo Ghosh and slowly adopting "marxism" — which was a much better way to fool theMoolnivasis who are still a majority even in "Hindu majority" West Bengal. If communism had not existed the Bengali Brahmins would have actually invented it, because the old and discredited traditional Brahmin methods of exploitation would have never worked and the Bahujans would have seen through them easily. BENGALI BRAHMIN LOVE FOR MARXISM Further exploitation was possible only by adopting egalitarian marxism as a mask and then becoming the leaders of the Moolnivasis — to exploit them. If earlier methods were adopted, even in a "Hindu majority" West Bengal, all the Bahujans might become Muslims — destroying their social and cultural hegemony. This is the reason why Bengali Brahmins took to "Marxism" in a big way. Wearing this mask, they gradually destroyed Marxism and made it revisionist deliberately. WHO IS KANU SANYAL Kanu Sanyal was a Bengali Brahmin bank employee's son from Calcutta. In other words, a Bengali Brahmin urban petty bourgeoisie- turned revisionist. What is his "revolutionary" pedigree and credentials: Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kanu_Sanyal#cite_note-autogenerated1-0 Kanu Sanyal, (1932), is an Indian communist politician. He was one of the founding leaders of Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) formed in 1969. He was one of the key leaders behind the abortive Naxalite insurrection attempt by radical communist to initiate an "Indian revolution" by violent means. BRAHMINS BECOME REVOLUTIONARIES Nonetheless, political analysts write that his political paradigm was based on the concept of Jugantarin opposition to the Anushilan paradigm implemented by the Communist Party of India and the Communist Party of India (Marxist). Sanyal proposed that the Jugantar revolutionaries be a highly secretive and cabalistic group who would periodically surface to commit acts of terrorism such as political assassinations and armory raids. Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jugantar Jugantar or Yugantar (Bengali: Jugantor) (English meaning New Era or more literally Transition of an Epoch) was one of the two main secret revolutionary trends operating in Bengal for Indian independence. This association, like Anushilan Samiti started in the guise of a suburban fitness club. Several Jugantar members were arrested, hanged, or deported for life to the Cellular Jail in Andaman. Thanks to the amnesty after World War I, most of them were released and could give a new turn to their political career, mainly: (a) by joining Gandhi's Non-cooperation movement; (b) Deshbandhu's Swarajya alternative; (c) the Communist Party of India; (d) M.N. Roy's Radical Democratic Party; (e) Subhas Chandra Bose's Forward Bloc. This extremist outfit was established by leaders like Aurobindo, his brother Barin Ghosh, Bhupendra- nath Datta, Raja Subodh Mallik in April 1906. Barin Ghosh was the main extremist leader. Along with 21 revolutionaries including Bagha Jatin, he started to collect arms and explosives and manufactured bombs. The headquarters of Jugantar was at 27-Kanai Dhar Lane, then 41-Champatola 1st Lane, Calcutta. BANKIM CHANDRA, THE TOP TERRORIST Jugantar had Hindu fundamentalist elements like Aurobindo Ghosh right from the very beginning, while Dr. K.B. Hedgewar was part of Anushilan Samiti. Both Anushilan Samiti as well as Jugantar were Bengali Brahmin terrorist movements right from the beginning. Even Veer Sawarkar learnt his weapons skills from Italy's Mazzini and other genuine progressive movements. Please remember that even CPI implemented the Anushilan Samiti paradigm. Thus it was typical Kali-Durga worshipping Bengali Brahmin terrorist movement itself which simply changed colours and changed tactics to became the Brahminical Indian communist movement. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anushilan_Samiti) ARMED STRUGGLE AGAINST MUSLIMS Anushilan Samiti ("Self-Culture Association", meaning to follow the teachings of Bankim Chandra Chatterjee) was the principal secret revolutionary organisation operating in Bengal in the opening years of the 20th century. This association, like its offshoot, the Jugantar, operated under the guise of suburban fitness club. The members were committed towards the path of armed revolution for independence of India from British rule. Calcutta and, later, Dhaka were the two major strongholds of the association. This Anushilan Samiti was of ultra reactionary Bengali Brahmin orientation and was formed to follow arch racist Bankim Chandra Chatterjee teachings of armed struggle against Muslims, chanting Bande Mataram. Anushilan Samiti was formed by casteist Bengali Brahmins who hated British for banning their favourite sati and child marriage. The moderate Bengali Brahmin organisation was called Brahmo Samaj led by Raja Ram Mohan Roy — which collaborated with the British. HEDGEWAR LAUNCHES R.S.S. M.N. Roy was also part of Anushilan Samiti and Jugantar. http://banglapedia.search. com.bd/HT/R_0243.htm Guess who else was part of the Anushilan Samiti — none other than our very own friendly Brahmin RSS founder. Dr. K.B. Hedgewar. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/K._ B._Hedgewar Keshava Baliram Hedgewar (Marathi: April 1, 1889 – June 21, 1940) was the founder of the RSS. He founded the RSS in Nagpur in 1925, with the intention of promoting the concept of the Hindu nation. He drew upon influences from social and spiritual Hindu reformers such as Vivekananda, V.D. Savarkar and Aurobindo to develop the core philosophy of the RSS. He went to Calcutta to do MBBS. After completion, he was drawn into Anushilan Samiti and Jugantar in Bengal. He was also a member of the Hindu Mahasabha till 1929. Hedgewar was imprisoned for sedition by the British in 1921 for a year and again in 1930 for nine months. After his spell in prison he instructed the RSS to remain aloof from political activities including the "Salt Satyagraha" (1930) and continue mainly as a social organisation. COMMUNIST BRAHMINS MORE DANGEROUS Casteist Brahmins simply differ on tactics and not on the real goal. Anushilan Samiti itself decided to change colours and tactics and simply became what came to be known as the "Revolutionary Socialist Party". However, the Bengali Bahujans had already adopted Islam. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Revoluti onary_Socialist_Party _(India) RSP is now a Marxist-Leninist political party. Founded on March 19, 1940, it has its roots in the BengaliAnushilan Samiti and the Hindustan Socialist Republican Army. The party got around 0.4% of the votes and three seats in the Lok Sabha elections 1999 and 2004. It is part of the state governments in West Bengal, Kerala, Tripura. A major section of the Anushilan movement was attracted to marxism in the 30s. A minority section broke away and joined the CPI. More "educated" and more sophisticated Brahmins realised that marxism had superior methodologies, strategies and tactics to fight the Bahujans. This marxist mask would also make them the very leaders of the Moolnivasis to effectively mislead them and enslave them. Kanu Sanyal was from the same old CPI generation which went on to form CPM and later CPI-ML also. It is no wonder Kanu is supporting Nepal's Brahmin Prachanda. HINDUS A MINORITY IN KERALA Whether a Brahminical shudra Nair heads ISRO, or a Brahmin heads a so-called revolutionary party, he can never give up his Brahminical caste privileges and caste character. In Kerala also, it was not Dalits who formed CPI or even ML parties. It was EMS, KNR and other Brahminical elites who continue to be humbugs. Bahujans revolted against Brahminism and took to Christianity or Islam. That is how Hindus became a minority in Kerala. Today only the most foolish, politically illiterate Brahmins and upper castes support BJP-RSS. Brahminical elements were forced to wear "marxist" masks, because they lost their numerical superiority. Caste consciousness is also based on family-based and social conditioning right from childhood. It is a culturally conditioned reflex. It bestows unjustifiable social, economic, cultural and even sexual privileges right from childhood. Severe psychological damage and brainwashing is done right in childhood itself and Brahminical classes are socialised in that reactionary pattern. ONLY STUPID BRAHMINS JOIN R.S.S. Such reactionary patterns become psychological crutches which they can never get rid off even when they are adults. And in any case, who wants to get rid of a superiority complex and a privilege? Voluntarily, it will never happen. Thus, Brahminical elements have to necessarily betray any revolution. Who is the bigger threat? I think we must be terrified of the modernised, "communist" Brahmin who eats beef, and hates the RSS-BJP. These are the most politically sophisticated and cunning rascals who have realised the backwardness and crudeness of their earlier traditional right-wing methods. Only stupid Brahmins in RSS and BJP will stick to their Hindu fundamentalism. BEWARE OF "SOCIALIST BRAHMINS" The moment a Brahmin becomes politically sophisticated and realises the folly of his old ways, he will immediately hate those backward tactics and become "secular" — whether he is from ISRO or "Maoist" Party — or from the American NASA. They are using Marxist tactics and methodology to not only screw up marxism, but also to preserve their caste privileges based on racial superiority. So, we need not fear the BJP-RSS morons. They are stupid museum pieces. But beware of the Vara Vara Raos and Prachandas and Kanu Sanyals. Dalit Voice calls them "Socialist Brahmins". These guys are the biggest danger to everything revolutionary. We need not fear honest but stupid RSS-ABVP fellows who tell that they are against Bahujans and reservation quotas and even organise anti-Mandal agitations. But Kanu Sanyal, Vara Vara Rao and Prachanda will give genuine revolutionaries sleeping pills and shoot them dead at point blank range, by betraying them by raising revolutionary slogans. Maoists actually are split on caste lines. Even then, they have not given up casteism and castiest discrimination. KNR, Kanu and Prachanda refuse to even discuss caste questions when they know the ground reality very well. THROW OUT BRAHMINS IN COMMUNIST PARTY They are certainly not fools. But they are deliberately doing this drama. It is simply in their caste interest to be red hot marxists. Several Brahmins are not religious and several are atheists. Several eat beef also. But on caste, they will never compromise. Upper castes and Dalit Bahujans can never function in any communist party. Therefore, throwing out the Brahmins from the communist movement is the only way. Fortunately, the existing Brahminical MLM parties are failing. So a strictly Bahujan-led party can be gradually set up. Such a party's written constitution itself will openly state all these dangers and also reserve the right of membership strictly for Moolnivasi Bahujans only. No Brahminical element will be allowed to join the party or even be part of its front organisations or mass organisations. It will state that Brahminical character itself is historically compradorial, revisionist, labour aristocratic and ultra-reactionary. There is no such thing as a Brahmin proletariat — but only a treacherous Brahmin labour aristocracy. D.V. THEORY OF CASTE STRUGGLE DV's "caste struggle" will be officially acknowledged as a distinct Indian phenomenon. The fundamental questions will be caste and land. There will be a thorough caste-based surveys on how land holding and caste status are congruent. Everything will be caste-based. Marxism has to be rescued from vulgarisation by Brahminical ML parties which have simply reduced marxism to a crude" economic reductionism". Studies on the Indian superstructure with relation to caste will be taken up. There will be no "casteless" or "caste blind" trade union under the name of "workers unity". If it is found that upper caste worker is exploiting lower caste worker, he will be thrashed and butchered mercilessly. "Class struggle" in India will take the shape of "caste struggle" and caste consciousness will be duly acknowledged. Concrete preparations to begin armed, bloody and most violent struggle in keeping up with present conditions will be made. (Read DSA books, How Marx Failed in Hindu India, Class-Caste Struggle,Dilemma of Class &Caste). WANTED A NEW MARXIST PARTY Will Brahmins be able to escape using Gujjars to fight Meenas, or will a future genuine Maoist party get both Meenas and Gujjars to butcher Brahminists? To ensure that the real propertyless proletariat is victorious, a new type of party to coordinate all these caste struggles is necessary. *********************** Brahmin worry over caste wars COM. AYYANKALI We must completely strip Brahminical Marxism naked. Forget Gaddar. We must do our duty even if the media is against us. We must not forget that even if an ant bites any elephant's eye or tiger's eye or snake's eye, that animal will surely stumble and fall down. Always aim to sting the enemy's eye even with whatever little strength we have. Because when the enemy stumbles, our Moolnivasis will surely notice at least this. The best example is your (the Editor's) own arrest. When you were arrested and taken to Chandigarh Jail (Aug.1986), the powerful enemy stumbled. So let the enemy attack. Mao said if the enemy is attacking, then this is the proof that we are on the correct path. So we must continue to poke the enemy's eye non-stop. This is good for our people and bad for our enemies. You must never ever forget that Brahminical enemies are merely pretending ignoring us. Deep inside they are extremely worried — they are shitting in their pants and shivering. I am very confident that this country will definitely see a gigantic caste war. It is inevitable as sunrise and sunset. Caste war has already started: caste war over water and daughter is already on. So where is the need to be pessimistic? Simply keep on poking the enemy's eye non-stop. Victory is ours. Iran will be attacked and World War-III will begin shortly. This will also certainly weaken Brahminism. Nuclear weapons will be available when the great depression begins. You may think I am bluffing or that I am mad. But I am telling you that victory will be ours.

http://www.dalitvoice.org/Templates/may2010/editorial.htm

Why Dalits in West Bengal are on Protest back    Dalits are perhaps by their birth communist in nature. They are born in the graded inequality of the society and as a result what happens they have to face the lot of sufferings in their daily life. They are by birth poor, illiterate and landless labours of the soil. These toiling masses very easily become followers of the communist party and they sometimes become the active members also. While they become active members they have to undergo certain limitations. What are those limitations? They are used to actively work amongst the Dalits and Adibasis. Dalits are used to convince and persuade more and more Dalits and Adibasis. The people at home and abroad may know this fact that the Indian communists did not any time talk of the Cultural Revolution in India. Why? The answer of this question is very simple. The socialism, if anytime it is planned to be set up in the caste-divided society of graded inequality like India, needs the pre-occurrence of the Cultural Revolution and this Cultural Revolution should have the single point agenda. What is this agenda of the pre-occurrence? It is nothing but the annihilation of the castes system of the society for which Dr. Ambedkar advocated to the modernizers of the society. After thirty years of leftists' rule in West Bengal the inequality has vigorously been sharpened in the field of economy, education and health-care. It is seen to vigorously increase in the field employment opportunities in particular. Are not all these against the ideology of communism? Who cares for? History speaks that the thought of communism was brought into India by Mr. M.N. Roy and his other associates who mostly all were Brahmins and at that time living in Russia. From the initial stage of its spread in India and very particularly in West Bengal it is seen to be in the hands of the Brahmins as leaders and the total control is, by hook or by crook, maintained by the social hierarchy. In West Bengal while the history repeats the same path resultantly whatever the benefits have come in West Bengal out of the land-reforms, reforms of education, reforms of health-cares, job-opportunities etc. have gone of  its larger shares to the social hierarchies. Whatever the shares the Dalits and the religious minorities have got are very less in comparison to their population and definitely in violation of their constitutional rights.    1.Dalit Mass Massacre In Marichjhanpi: The people who were living in the Marichjhanpi area, a part of the non-farming Sundarbans were exclusively from the Dalit communities and very particularly they were the Namasudras of East Bengal. What happened there? The Namasudras were the major community in East Pakistan at the time of partition of Bengal and they had come to West Bengal as a flux of refugees. At that time the communist party was undivided and they stood by the side of those refugees. They set up their mass organization amongst them. It was a long journey the Dalit refugees traveled through their sufferings in homeless, shelter-less and foodless condition in different parts of Bengal as well as in India. As soon as the Marxist Communist Party became the ruling power in 1977 with their vast majority in the Assembly these homeless and shelter-less people started to live in the Marichjhanpi-Sundarbans. They started to convert the unproductive lands into the productivity using their unlimited toiling capability. Some of the people started to live on fishing in a number of rivers of those areas. Mr. Jyoti Basu was the then chief minister of West Bengal. The government immediately became unkind to the Dalits and ordered the police force to evacuate the dalit-occupancy from Marichjhanpi. What happened then? The Dalits were forced to leave the place. And perhaps it is the black day in the history of Dalits in West Bengal that 36 people of dalits lost their lives en-masse by police firing on the 31st January, two years after the Marxist came into power.    2. Land Reformation: The Marxist Communist Party has earned a lot of fame due to execution of the land reformation which is much hyped as'Operation Barga' in West Bengal. What was the pro-gram of land reformation? How much did it help the Dalits and Adibasis?  What is here the moot- question to be analyzed ? The history, as it is known, is that Pt. Nehru initiated the Zamindary Abolition in 1948. But the land, surplus in kind, remained under their control in different vested manners. The government seized the surplus land and distributed amongst the landless labours. It was in 1977 while Mr. Jyoti Basu, the Chief Minister of the government had continued the same position at a stretch for 23 years, unchallenged by anyone in the Left Front till he quits the post of his own accord. The landless agricultural labourers in West Bengal in1971 were 42.57, 48.85 and 19.45 percent respectively from the SC,ST and Non-SC-ST groups of people; whereas it figured in all India level in the same year as 51.75, 33.04 and 20.20 percent respectively. After the Operation Barga in West Bengal in 1991 these landless agricultural labourers were 41.12, 50.70 and 15.55 percent from SC, ST and Non-SC-ST group of people respectively. It is seen from the data above that volume of landless agricultural labourers has enormously increased after the land reformation amongst the Adibasis and benefits have gone in sizeable  quantity to the upper castes of West Bengal. On the other hand the Dalits are seen to be benefited little.    3. Education Reformation: Dalits in West Bengal have become the worst victims due to reformation of education in the state. In the primary stage of education in all the Bengali medium schools where the Dalit and Adibasi children normally take their education had been stopped of teaching English language and this reformation was made by the Left Front with a view to increase the percentage of literacy to an extent  whatever is possible in the state. What was the result of exercising this policy? It helped in achieving the target to a small extent but it had seriously damaged the future career of the Dalit children. They become to realize the matter as and when they tried to push themselves into the field of their higher education. Primary schools without English learning are  generally meant for the poor and side by side English medium schools with higher tuition fees were run for the children of the rich. Illiteracy is one curse and the blockage in higher education was imposed upon the Dalits as if a bigger curse on them under the left regime. Another circular from the Ministry of Higher Education was once given to all colleges in the state for screening the admission of SC-ST category students that they should get admission to the UG-Honours or PG-courses on conditions if they are having secured minimum 90 percent marks on aggregate of the unreserved category students. As a result what happened not a single student of reserve category could have their admission in a number of reputed colleges in Kolkata.   4. Reformation of Health-Care: The Government Hospitals by and large provide near about hundred percent of the health-cares to the Dalits in the state. At present the efficiency of treatment in the Govt. Hospital has gone to the poorest level. Anyone desiring satisfactory health-care is to depend on the private doctors or private hospitals. Since the charges of treatment in the private hospital is exorbitantly high and the deposit prior to admission needs minimum rupees ten thousands or more, it is now beyond doubt that the Dalits do not find any space of their treatment in the private capacity. Dalits are very often found to die of mal-nutrition and without proper treatment. In the tea-gardens of different places in North Bengal a few hundreds of the tribal people have died of the starvation just after the tea-gardens have been locked out. In a span of thirteen months in a particular tea-garden the death of 142 people occurred for scarcity of food only. In the NSSO (national sample survey organization) report published in February,2007 it is seen that West Bengal is ahead of all the states in respect of the poor performance to provide full meal at least once a day through the month of the year. What the Bengal media generally do? They are very habitual to point out the weak points of the other states and very glamorously depict the starvation death of Kalanhandi in Orissa. The above report mentions that 10.6 percent of the rural people of Bengal  suffer from the food scarcity whereas it is 4.8 percent in case of Kalanhandi which stands second in the national gradation. 5.Deprivation in Reservation Policy: The reservation policy for SCs-STs-OBCs in respect of their children for getting admission into the educational institutions as well as for providing jobs to the educated people of those communities is highly neglected in West Bengal. The Communist parties and particularly the Communists are now in power in West Bengal do not believe in the castes and they believe in the class only. In  the name of class whatever the benefits from the Government level they do extend to the proletariat maximum portion of it  goes to the proletariats of the upper castes depriving the scheduled castes, scheduled tribes and other backward communities. All these happen in the gross violation of the reservation policies of constitutional provitions  but they don't care for. A table is shown below ( from report on Staff Census 2000 &2001 / Bureau of Applied Economics & Statistics, Govt. of West Bengal ) to understand the amount of deprivation the SCs-STs do they suffer:           SHARE OF SC & ST PEOPLE IN THE STATE GOVERNMENT EMPLOYMENT  YEAR TOTAL EMPLOYEES SCEMPLOYEES ST % OF SC % OF ST % OF SC-ST PEOPLE % QUOTA  1999  436953 57862 14135 13.2 3.2 29.2 12.8  2000  441243 58082 14268 13.2 3.2 29.2 12.8  2001  442493 58440 14820 13.2 3.3 29.2 12.7  The above table is self explanatory that the percentage of the quota on due remains more or less constant for the successive three years and the quota due for them is not at all a negligible figure which is about 13 % of the total staff strength.   6. Sanjukta Sanrakshan Morcha: Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Communities and Religious Minorities have joined their hands together to form an united platform to protect the deprivation of scheduled castes, scheduled tribes and other backward communities in respect of their quota they are eligible to enjoy by virtue of the constitutional right. The Muslims of West Bengal are only 3% less than the total population of scheduled castes and scheduled tribes who, by strength, are more than 29.2%. It was big rally of more than fifteen thousand people walked the streets of kolkata and presented their representation to the Governor at Raj Bhawan stating the grievances against the Government. Just after a few months of this incident they made another rally in the similar fashion on 23rd April,2007. from Sealdah Station to Raj Bhawan and gave in writing to Mr. Gopal Krishna Gandhi, the Hon'ble Governor. At present as it is seen about 1,50,000 reserve posts are still unfilled and a good amount of group 'D' post are also not yet filled up. A very vital question may arise into mind that why the religious minorities and very particularly the muslims had joined hands with the Sanjukta  Sanrakshan Morcha? The history behind it is that the muslims  in West Bengal enjoy the Government jobs 2% only despite of their population  strength is more than the one-fourth of the total. The muslims do not have any quota in the educational institution and it is to be noted also that the OBCs of being the one-fourth of the total population are allowed to enjoy 6-7 % in school level  and not anything in the higher level of education.   7. Mass Dalit Killing in Nandigram: Once it was the slogans of the Marxist communists in West Bengal that the 'Langal jaar Jami taar'. What does this slogan mean? The communists at that time had raised their voice through the party program to put ownership of the agricultural land under the real ploughmen of the society and the real ploughmen who are none but the bottommost layer of the society and particularly the scheduled castes, scheduled tribes and muslims. They started to see a new dream in it. What had happened thereafter? Under the globalization economy the communists have turned their socialist faces to the capitalist faces and they undertook the program to set up the Special Economic Zones (SEZ) at different places. And the Government was unconditionally bowing down heads to the industrialists just to create some jobs of Microsoft Engineering for favor of the unemployment youths of the micro-community people neglecting the interest of the macro-societies of West Bengal. The people coming from the lower strata could clearly foresee that the industrialists are giving their choices to establish their new companies in the areas where the poor cultivators are having small and small holdings producing two-three crops in a year. When the Govt. was acquiring the land at Singur in the district of Hoogly for the Motor Car Company of industrialist of TATA Groups the resistance came from the agricultural communities but it was not so strong and well planned as to stop the acquirement. However they could have made so, while the Govt. planned to acquire lands at Nandigram in the district of East Medinipur for making another SEZ to build a Chemical Hub of Salim Group of Indonesia. The police force and the  party machinery were on the one side and the peoples' resistance on the other side. Ultimately it created a government-sponsored genocide on the 14th of March,2007 where Tublu Samanta, Ratikanta Das, Gobinda Das, Subrata Samanta, Ratan Das, Supriya Jana, Indajul Haq, Satyabala Mondal, Naru Murda, Chanchala Rani Mahata etc of the Dalits, OBCs and Muslims  had been killed.    8. Demands for the Appeasement: From the facts of deprivation the SCs, STs , OBCs and the Muslims of West Bengal made a vigorous appeal to the Govt. of West Bengal through the Governor. The consorted body comprising of the presence of Mr. Santosh Rana, Kazi Safiuddin Ahmed, Dr. Ashis Thakur, Dr. Debashish Majumdar and Manoranjan Mahato, on behalf of the Sanjukta Sanrakshan Morcha demanded that: (a)    The state functionaries responsible for the genocide in Nandigram should be punished and the families of the victims properly compensated. (b) The SEZ act,2005 should be abrogated. (c) The quotas for SC/ST in jobs and in higher education ( including medical education) should be filled up. (d) The West Bengal Government should immediately introduce adequate quotas for OBCs and Muslims in higher education and jobs. (e) The Central Govt. should take necessary steps to implement reservation for OBCs in IIM, IIT and AIIMS in this academic year and  (f) The government of both central and state should take steps to abrogate the court-imposed ceiling of 50 % in the reservation and should introduce reservation in proportion to their share of population both in public and private sector.                         9. Dalits of Arts and Literature: Dalits of West Bengal, of course of the fields of art, literature and culture formed an organization as Bangla Dalit Sahitya Sanstha in the year 1992. They were mostly of the BSP-minded, though not having any direct lineage to them. Though not strong enough, yet they have their organization all over West Bengal.    Anytime they find any atrocity or deprivation against the Dalits they raise their voices through writing and organizing mass meeting or seminar. At the time while Chuni Kotal, a Lodha-Tribal girl was  studying in M. SC. Class in Vidyasagar University of West Bengal was virtually forced by the upper caste teachers to commit suicide. She was mentally tortured just like any thing. Someone of the particular upper caste had taken an advantage in the open class very frequently describing her as a girl born of criminal tribe. After her sad demise, the Bangla Dalit Sahitya Sanstha organized a mass movement through different seminars and street corners in broad daylight in the Kolkata mega-city busy street. Their artists performed a number of street- dramas protesting the naked activities of the university teachers. The literary organ of the B.D.S.S. is Chaturtha Duniapublished an special issue on Chuni Kotal. 10. Protests of BDSS against Nandigram Mass-Killing:  The Nandigram is an example of the state-sponsored persecution upon the poor masses of the small agricultural land holders who are against the present SEZ-policy of the government. Under the policy these people are going to loose their paternal land property in name of industrialization. They know that they are born as illiterate as well as poor. The upper castes are not born on the same plank as they do. Naturally they are aware of the fact that what benefit they will get out of industrialization? They will get nothing but some poorly paid short time-ended jobs of the labor-class only and in lieu of it they will loose permanent labor-field. The government immediately became intolerant and used their state-machinery against those who denied and protested the forcible land seizure. The Bangla Dalit Sahitya Sanstha believes in the democratic norms only Their members came forward to observe an evening on 23rd of April,2007 in the Tripura Hitsadhini Sabha of Kolkata arranging a 'Dalit Kavita Pather Asar'. This was nothing but their protest against mass-killing. A number of Dalit poets were present and read out their new composition on this particular issue. The Shantikunja Natya Sanstha staged a small group theatre on the day. .     Author : Manohar Mouli Biswas                                                top E-mail: manoharbiswas@yahoo.co.in

http://www.dalitmirror.com/topic1.html

Marichjhapi and the Revenge of Bengali Bhadralok :: The story of a Dalit Genocide that remains untold

Exactly 30 years ago, Dalits, in West Bengal, came to realize the true nature of Indian state that is being dominated, in every sense, by a tiny section of population but at a great personal cost. It was in 1979, when thousands of Dalits, refugees from East Bengal (now Bangladesh) lost their lives at Marichjhapi, in Sunderbans, for their dream of resettling in the region which they considered part of their motherland.

Marichjhapi is just once incident in the tragic tale of one of the most powerful Dalit Community-Namashudras of Bengal - who first became the victim of Hindu-Muslim communalism during the partition and later became the victims of their castes in independent India.

Moreover, the complete silence of Bengal's civil society for almost 30 years and the fact that Dalits were killed by Communist government of West Bengal that came in the power in the name of poor and dispossessed, raises some serious questions about representation of Dalits in every sphere, the constitution of civil society and hegemony of few privileged castes over the political power in Independent India.

Apart from these, the Namashudra problem also poses a big question for the Dalits (and Dalit movement) living in other parts of the country about whether they are willing to fight for the rights of their fellow community people who, unfortunately, paid the ultimate price for sending Babasaheb Ambedkar to the Constituent Assembly.

Before Marichjhapi

In 1946, Constituent Assembly was constituted with the mandate to frame Indian constitution and to function as provisional parliament for independent India. Its members were elected by state assemblies and represented almost all major communities of the country. However, the Congress government in Bombay province, headed by B.G. Kher and under instructions from Sardar Patel, ensured that Babasaheb Ambedkar was not elected.

At this crucial juncture, a very prominent leader Jogendra Nath Mandal ensured his election from the Bengal province. Thus Babasaheb could enter into the constituent assembly and, later, become prime architect of Indian Constitution that guaranteed many rights for the Dalits including representation in education and government jobs.

Who was Jogendra Nath Mandal? How could Babasaheb enter into Constituent Assembly from Bengal being ambushed by Congress in Bombay province and declared persona non grata due to his exposure of Gandhi and Congress as upholder of 'upper' caste Hindu domination?

He could enter at the strength of the then untouchable community called Namashudras and Jogendra Nath Mandal was one of the prominent Namashudra leaders of Bengal.

Namashudras were largely an agrarian community well-known for its hardworking nature, agricultural and artisan skills. It was one of the biggest communities of Bengal, with majority of its population based in east part of undivided Bengal (now Bangladesh) with a long tradition of resisting caste-hindu domination and fighting against untouchability practices and other ignominies thrust on them by the caste system.

The Namashudra movement had been one of the most politically mobilized untouchable's movements in colonial India that, even before Dr Ambedkar, had rejected Congress leadership for upholding the interests of landowning 'upper' castes under the ruse of Indian nationalism. The complete monopoly of rich Bengali Bhadraloks (a land owning class of people belonging to three Hindu 'upper' castes - brahmins, kayasthas and vaidyas) on congress leadership validated their severe indictment of the policies of the Congress.

Even prior to congress, the Namashudras were the only voice of resistance to much touted Bengal 'renaissance' that, in all practical terms, were efforts of 'upper' caste hindus to consolidate themselves and aggressively bargain with British colonial government to restrict the benefits of British built institutions like that of education, judiciary, bureaucracy and local governance for themselves.

The success of the Namashudra Movement could be easily measured by the autonomous political space which they were able to chalk out for themselves in Bengal politics and in alliance with Muslims had kept the Bengal Congress Party in opposition from the 1920s. At the strength of this political space only they could get Babasaheb elected to the Constituent Assembly.

This exclusion of 'upper' caste Hindus from power in Bengal led Hindu elite and eventually the Congress Party pressing for partition of the province at independence, so that at least the western half would return to their control. So successful they have been in their design that West Bengal is probably the only state in the country where 'upper' caste hegemony went completely unchallenged in independent India till today.

It is clearly manifested in every sphere of life there and one hardly comes across any murmur of Dalit assertion ever.

One of the best indicators of 'upper' caste Hindu domination over West Bengal would be the number of Cabinet positions enjoyed by them in the successive state governments - the tiny tri-caste Bengali elite (consisting of brahmins, kayasthas and vaidyas) increased its Cabinet composition from 78 percent under the Congress regime (1952-62) to 90 percent under the Communist regime indicating their complete domination over West Bengal.

How this was achieved? What happened to the once powerful Namashudra community that resisted the 'upper' caste hegemony in pre-independent India?

The Plight of Namashudras in post Independent India

Marichjhapi is one of the small islands lying within the Sundarbans area of West Bengal. It was here, in 1979, that thousands of Dalits were killed by the communist led West Bengal government. Hundreds were killed directly in police firings but many more died of starvation, lack of drinking water and diseases due to the economic blockade that was imposed on them by the state government and carried out by the police and communist cadres together.

Their settlements in Marichjhapi were completely bulldozed, destroyed and hundreds of women raped leaving behind only the dead bodies of the Dalits to be either dumped in the water bodies or to be eaten by the beasts of nearby jungles in one of the biggest genocide carried out by any state in independent India.

The people who survived were driven out of West Bengal to continue living with the tragic memories of their lost loved ones and perpetual longing for the soil that once constituted parts of their motherland.

What happened at Marichjhapi is just one incident in the long tragic history of this particular Bengali Dalit community that started with the partition of the country and is continued till today. They have been living in their own country as second grade citizens, being forcefully scattered throughout the country.

These helpless victims belonged to a Dalit community called Namashudras and were refugees from East Bengal (now Bangladesh) who were dispatched to different parts of the country by the state government citing the lack of space in West Bengal but took no time and least efforts to provide maximum possible relief and rehabilitation to the 'upper' caste refugees.

Apart from this, these refugees illegally occupied large areas in and around Kolkata and other major cities of Bengal and got it regularized but when it came to Dalit refugees, the then Congress Chief Minister B.C. Roy wrote to Prime Minister Nehru that 'we have no place for them, send them to other states'.

Then these Dalit refugees, despite their vociferous protests, were dispatched to inhospitable and far flung areas of states like Chhattisgarh, Orissa, Uttaranchal, Assam to live in completely alien environment. They were driven down to these places packed in government vehicles as cattle, under strict police supervision. Later many of their settlements in different states, like Mana camp in Orissa, were turned into concentration camps as government employed the services of Indian army to guard the camps for 12 long years, lest these people would escape to West Bengal.

Marichjhapi massacre of Dalit refugees by Left government in Bengal is just one incident. Even before Marichjhapi there were numerous incidents where many Namashudra refugees got killed by police while demanding for better provisions in the camps where they were being forcefully kept.

Apart from being persecuted by the state, the Namashudras, settled outside West Bengal, also suffered enormously from various other factors. They continuously faced hostility of local populace that strongly resented the presence of outsiders in their surroundings. Most of the camps were in the areas that were not fit for agriculture and being primarily an agrarian community, totally different type of climates and soil conditions made them handicap.

Also even the reservation provisions for which, as Dalits, they would have been eligible in West Bengal, were not recognized in the states in which they were settled, as their castes were not native to those states. Despite all the difficulties, Namashudra refugees settled in different states kept their dream alive of returning back to the environment/culture/land that they belong to.

The Great Communist Betrayal

During this period, in late 1960s and till mid-70s, the Bengali communists led by CPI (M), which was in opposition then, took up the case of these refugees and demanded the government to settle them within their native Bengal rather than scatter them across India on the lands of other peoples.

The communist, again its leadership monopolized by 'upper' caste, started raising their voices in the support of Dalit refugees and promised to provide them rehabilitation in West Bengal. The sites they mentioned in West Bengal for resettlement were either the Sundarbans area of the Ganges delta or vacant land scattered in various places throughout the state. The party leaders went around various Dalit camps campaigning for their return to West Bengal, simultaneously promising full support after coming in power.

Particularly one, Mr. Ram Chatterjee, who later became minister in the CPI (M) led government, exhorted the Dalit refugees by thundering, "The 5 crore Bengalis by raising their 10 crore hands are welcoming you back."

In 1977, when the Left Front came to power, they found that the Dalit refugees had taken them at their words having disposed off whatever their meager belongings were and have marched towards West Bengal. In all, 1,50,000 refugees arrived from Dandakaranya region of what is now Chhattisgarh expecting the communists to honour their words.

Instead the Left Front government started sending them back forcibly citing the lack of space in the state - the same reason that was cited earlier when the Dalits arrived from East Bengal during the partition. It was a rude shock for the refugees who were depending on the newly elected Left Front government. When they opposed this, Dalit refugees were brutally evicted from various railway stations, being fired upon by the West Bengal police and were denied food and water.

Still many refugees managed to escape and reached Marichjhapi, an island that lies in the northern part of the Sunderbans. Thousands of other Dalit refugees also marched to Marichjhapi on feet along the railway tracks, avoiding the police.

By the end of the year 1978, there were 30,000 Dalit refugees in the island of Marichjhapi who rapidly established it as one of the best-developed islands of the Sundarbans. Within a few months tube-wells had been dug, a viable fishing industry, saltpans, dispensaries and schools were established. In short, in just few months, the hard working Namashudras built a thriving local economy without any government support in the region that is considered the poorest in West Bengal.

Deeply humiliated by the successful resettlement of Namashudra refugees in Marichjhapi, the Left Front government started their propaganda against them by stating that the 'Marichjhapi is a part of the Sundarbans government reserve forest' and therefore Dalit refugees were 'violating the Forest Acts and thereby disturbing the existing and potential forest wealth and also creating ecological imbalance'.

This was a blatant lie as Marichjhapi did not fall under government reserve forest at all. The Bengali Bhadralok leadership of Left Front had to resort to such lies and take up environmental concerns as an excuse as the Marichjhapi exposed their earlier lie too regarding 'lack of space in West Bengal'.

The West Bengal government launched a full frontal assault on the Marichjhapi and the Dalit refugees. It started with the economic blockade. The police cordoned off the whole island, cutting every communication links with the outside world.

Thirty police launches encircled the island thereby depriving the settlers of food and water; they were also tear-gassed, their huts razed, their boats sunk, their fisheries and tube-wells destroyed, and those who tried to cross the river were shot at. Several hundred men, women and children were believed to have died during that time and their bodies thrown in the river.

And those who tried to defy this economic blockade by swimming across to other islands in search of food and water were brutally shot. On the January 31, 1979 the police opened fire killing 36 people who were trying to get food and water from a nearby island.

It was not that the media was not aware of the sufferings and police brutalities on hapless Namashudras. When the reports of Marichjhapi started appearing in the media, Jyoti Basu, then chief minister of Bengal, shamelessly, termed it as 'CIA conspiracy' against newly elected communist government of Bengal and exhorted media to support the government in 'national interest'.

Jyoti Basu justified the police actions by accusing Namashudra refugees of being agents of foreign forces and using Marichjhapi as arms-training centre. Moreover, Jyoti Basu declared the whole area to be out of bound for media and thus effectively silencing any dissenting voices or reporting of the killings of Dalit refugees.

It took more than five months and killings of thousands of Dalit refugees for the West Bengal government to effectively crush the Namashudra resistance in Marichjhapi. Totally devastated by the government brutalities the rest of the Namsahudras were packed off, as prisoner of war, back to Chattishgarh and Andaman.

After destroying all the huts, markets, schools and all other visible markers of Namashudra settlement, West Bengal government declared, in May 1979, Marichjhapi 'finally free from all refugees'.

Regarding the total lives lost during the West Bengal government's assault on Marichjhapi we will quote from one of the earliest writings on this incident by A. Biswas who wrote, in 1982, that '.out of the 14,388 families who deserted [for West Bengal), 10,260 families returned to their previous places . . . and the remaining 4,128 families perished in transit, died of starvation, exhaustion, and many were killed in Kashipur, Kumirmari, and Marichjhapi by police firings". [A. Biswas, 1982, "Why Dandakaranya a Failure, Why Mass Exodus, Where Solution?" The Oppressed Indian 4(4):18-20.]

Memories in the black hole

Exactly thirty years have passed by of this fateful event that took place in Marichjhapi but not many from outside are aware of the communist government's genocidal acts against Dalits. There has been complete silence even from the Bengali civil society that claims to be very progressive and free from caste biases.

The Bengali scholars, Marxist or otherwise, rule the Indian academia and write, articulate on all the problems that plague this earth. But none of them broke their silence ever on the merciless killings and eviction of people who belonged to the same Bengali society but were Dalits. Marichjhapi was soon forgotten, except by the Dalits themselves.

The communists who keep on harping on fighting for the poor and dispossessed took no time in killing the same people soon after occupying the state power.

Perhaps this was the apt revenge from the Bengali Bhadralok, (that completely monopolizes the Bengali civil society, it's so called scholarly class, communist and congress leadership) against Namashudra community that once successfully challenged 'upper' caste hegemony in undivided Bengal. So successful is the revenge that the community now lives in complete oblivion and scattered across the country without anyone standing for their rights or speaking about what actually happened in Marichjhapi in 1979.

References:

While writing this article, we have drawn heavily from following two research articles among very few that are available on the tragic tale of one our Dalit communities. We are reproducing both the articles for the benefit of our readers so that we all become more aware of the tragedy and are able to fight for the justice. We are taking the liberty of posting the articles in all good faith despite the possibility of infringing copy rights.

1. Mallick, Ross, 'Refugee Resettlement in Forest Reserves: West Bengal Policy Reversal and the Marichjhapi Massacre', The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 58, No. 1. (Feb., 1999), pp. 104-125.

Jalais, Annu, 'Dwelling on Morichjhanpi: When Tigers Became 'Citizens', Refugees 'Tiger-Food', Economic and Political Weekly, April 23, 2005.

-----

By:

Nilesh Kumar,

Ajay Hela and

Anoop Kumar

[Nilesh and Ajay are pursuing their Masters in Social work, TISS, Mumbai]

http://www.groundreportindia.com/2010/07/marichjhapi-and-revenge-of-bengali.html

Sachar Committee

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

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Justice Rajinder Sachar

The Rajinder Sachar Committee, appointed by the Prime Minister Manmohan Singh of India was a high level committee for preparation of a report on the social, economic and educational status of the Muslim community of India.

It prepared a 403-page report that was tabled in Parliament on 30 November 2006 – 20 months after obtaining theterms of reference from the PMO.^[1] It has come-up with this report with suggestions and solutions to include and mainstream Indian Muslims. The report is available from the Indian Government site.^[2]

It is the first of its kind report and it suggests adoption of suitable mechanisms to ensure equity and equality of opportunity to Muslims in residential, work and educational spaces.^[3] According to Sachar Committee report the status of Indian Muslims are below the conditions of Scheduled Castes and Tribes.

There is a lot of discussions and debates goes on the Sachar Committee Report.^[4]. There are follow-up actions taken based on Committee findings like the Finance Minister P. Chidambaram action funding for National Minorities Development and Finance Corporation (NMDFC).

"

Last year, I made a modest contribution of Rs.16.47 crore to the equity of the NMDFC. Following the Sachar Committee report (on the status of minorities), NMDFC would be required to expand its reach and intensify its efforts. Hence, I propose to provide a further sum of Rs.63 crore to the share capital of NMDFC

"

^[5]

Contents  [hide] 1 Composition 2 Full Report 3 Main findings of the report 4 Removal of common stereotypes 5 Summary of recommendations 6 Responses to the committee findings 6.1 Follow-up action taken 6.1.1 15-point minorities welfare programme 6.1.2 Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan 6.1.3 Facilities for minority girls 6.1.4 Minority Concentration districts 6.2 Criticism 6.3 Responses from organisations and political parties 7 References 8 External links

[edit]Composition

The committee comprised seven members including four Muslims. Headed by Justice Rajinder Sachar, the other members were: Sayyid Hamid, Dr. T.K. Ooman, M.A. Basith, Dr. Akhtar Majeed, Dr. Abu Saleh Shariff and Dr. Rakesh Basant. Dr. Syed Zafar Mahmood was the civil servant appointed by the PM as Officer on Special Duty to the Committee.

During the committee's interaction with women's groups, some of them seriously articulated a grievance that it did not have any woman member. The Committee tried to make up for this by convening a half-a-day meeting with women's groups during its visits to the States. In addition to that, women social activists in large numbers attended all the meetings of all the groups and expressed their points of view and apprehensions in an open and frank manner. Their input was intensive and to the point about the various matters like education, medical facilities, Anganwadi requirements etc. The Committee also held one full day meeting in Delhi in July 2006 exclusively for women from all over India.

[edit]Full Report

The entire Sachar Report is available for download online.

[edit]Main findings of the report

The entire Sachar Report is available for download at various websites.^[6]

Some findings are as follows: A..Sachar committee has put a lot of analysis about the Indian Muslim with "statistical reports" based on information from government agencies, banks, Indian Minority Commission, different state governments and its agencies. The major points covered in the reports are:

• In the field of literacy the Committee has found that the rate among Muslims is very much below than the national average. The gap between Muslims and the general average is greater in urban areas and women. 25 per cent of children of Muslim parents in the 6-14 year age group have either never attended school or have dropped out.

• Muslim parents are not averse to mainstream education or to send their children to affordable Government schools. The access to government schools for children of Muslim parents is limited.

• Bidi workers, tailors and mechanics need to be provided with social safety nets and social security. The participation of Muslims in the professional and managerial cadre is low.

• The average amount of bank loan disbursed to the Muslims is 2/3 of the amount disbursed to other minorities. In some cases it is half. The Reserve Bank of India's efforts to extend banking and credit facilities under the Prime Minister's 15-point programme of 1983 has mainly benefited other minorities marginalizing Muslims.

• There is a clear and significant inverse association between the proportion of the Muslim population and the availability of educational infrastructure in small villages. Muslim concentration villages are not well served with pucca approach roads and local bus stops.

• Substantially larger proportion of the Muslim households in urban areas are in the less than Rs.500 expenditure bracket.

• The presence of Muslims has been found to be only 3% in the IAS, 1.8% in the IFS and 4% in the IPS.

• Muslim community has a representation of only 4.5% in Indian Railways while 98.7% of them are positioned at lower levels. Representation of Muslims is very low in the Universities and in Banks. Their share in police constables is only 6%, in health 4.4%, in transport 6.5%.

• For the Maulana Azad Education Foundation to be effective the corpus fund needs to be increased to 1000 crores. Total allocation in the four years 2002 to 2006 for Madarsa Modernization Scheme is 106 crores. The information regarding the Scheme has not adequately percolated down. Even if the share of Muslims in elected bodies is low they and other under represented segments can be involved in the decision making process through innovative mechanisms.

• Most of the variables indicate that Muslim-OBCs are significantly deprived in comparison to Hindu-OBCs. The work participation rate (WPR) shows the presence of a sharp difference between Hindu-OBCs (67%) and the Muslims. The share of Muslim-OBCs in government/ PSU jobs is much lower than Hindu-OBCs.

• There are about 5 lakh registered Wakfs with 600,000 acres (2,400 km²) land and Rs 6,000 crore book value.^[7]

[edit]Removal of common stereotypes

The Sachar committee report helped in a big way to remove common stereotypes. Some of these important findings were:

• Only four per cent of Muslims students actually go to madrassas primarily because primary state schools do not exist for miles. Therefore, the idea that Muslims prefer madrassa education was found to be not true.^[8]

• That there is "substantial demand from the community for fertility regulation and for modern contraceptives" and over 20 million couples are already using contraceptives. "Muslim population growth has slowed down as fertility has declined substantially". This does away with the concern that Muslim population growth would be able to outnumber Hindus or change the religious demography in any meaningful way.^[9]

• That Muslims wherever spoken to complained of suffering the twin calumnies of being dubbed "anti-national" and of being "appeased". However, the Indian Muslim community as a whole had never indulged in anti-national activities and the conditions borne out by the committee's findings clearly explained that no "appeasement" had taken place^[10]

• In private industry like the BPO industry, Muslims have been able to do well and find employment in large numbers. However this is restricted to large companies mainly.^[10]

• Muslims in Gujarat, a state that was ravaged by 2002 Gujarat riots, were indicated to be better of in terms of Education and Economic well being than the national average. Even in terms of employment Gujarat had a better share of Muslims in government jobs (5.4%) than compared to states like West Bengal (2.1%) and New Delhi (3.2%).^[11]

[edit]Summary of recommendations

The report put forward some recommendations to eliminate the situation raised for Indian Muslim. Justice Sachar explained that the upliftment minorities and implementation of these recommendations would strengthen the secular fabric of Indian society as well as increase patriotism due to their all inclusive progress. The recommendation include:

• Mechanisms to ensure equity and equality of opportunity and eliminate discrimination.

• Creation of a National Data Bank (NDB) where all relevant data for various Socio Religious Communities are maintained.

• Form an autonomous Assessment and Monitoring Authority to evaluate the extent of development benefits

• An Equal Opportunity Commission should be constituted to look into the grievances of the deprived groups.

• Elimination of the anomalies with respect to reserved constituencies under the delimitation scheme.

• The idea of providing certain incentives to a diversity index should be explored to ensure equal opportunities in education, governance, private employment and housing.

• A process of evaluating the content of the school textbooks needs to be initiated and institutionalized.

• The UGC should evolve a system where part of the allocation to colleges and universities is linked to the diversity in the student population.

• Providing hostel facilities at reasonable costs for students from minorities must be taken up on a priority basis.

• The Committee recommended promoting and enhancing access to Muslims in Priority Sector Bank Advances.

• The real need is of policy initiatives that improve the participation and share of the Minorities, particularly Muslims in the business of regular commercial banks.

• The community should be represented on interview panels and Boards. The underprivileged should be helped to utilize new opportunities in its high growth phase through skill development and education.

• Provide financial and other support to initiatives built around occupations where Muslims are concentrated and have growth potential.^[7][12]

[edit]Responses to the committee findings

There are different responses to the sachar committee findings from different part of India.^[13][14]

[edit]Follow-up action taken

[edit]15-point minorities welfare programme

The Prime Minister has also unfolded a comprehensive 15-point programme for the welfare and empowerment of minorities.The new plan wants to help the minorities by Enhancing opportunities for education.Ensuring equitable share in economic activities and employment,Improving the conditions of living of minorities,Prevention and control of communal disharmony and violence.

[edit]Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan

The Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA) or "Education for All Programme", a national flagship programme to provide quality elementary education to all children in the 6 – 14 years age group through a time bound approach. Based on the data obtained from Census as well as District Information System for Education (DISE), SRI-IMRB Survey etc., the Government has made a number of interventions in SSA to help the minority (Muslim) children in education. One of the thrust areas is to ensure availability of schools in all minority concentrated districts. During 2005-06, 4624 primary and Upper primary schools, and about 31,702 Education Guarantee Scheme (EGS) Centres were sanctioned in minority concentrated districts. During 2006-07, 6918 new primary and upper primary schools have been sanctioned in minority-dominated districts. 32,250 EGS centres with a total enrolment of 120.90 lakh children have been sanctioned for 2006-07. Sanction has also been accorded for enrolment of 11.25 lakh children in Alternative & Innovative Education (AIE) during 2006-07 in these districts.

Madrasas/Makhtabs have been covered under SSA. The Madarsas affiliated to the State Madarasa Boards and satisfying certain conditions are eligible for such assistance as is available to other regular schools under SSA. So far 8309 madarsas have been assisted.

[edit]Facilities for minority girls

Free textbooks are provided to all minority girls from classes I-VIII. Urdu textbooks are provided for Urdu medium schools and for Urdu as a subject. Based on the 1981 Census, 93 districts (now 99) in 16 states have been identified for focused attention. The major focus is on the states of Bihar, West Bengal, Uttar Pradesh and Assam. Out of the 1180 Kasturba Gandhi Balika Vidyalayas (KGBV), 210 schools have been sanctioned in minority blocks, 1430 minority girls have already been enrolled in KGBVs till 31.3.06.

[edit]Minority Concentration districts

In addition to above measures, there is also a special focus on 93 districts, which was found to be having more than 20% Minority population in the 1981 census, for SSA investments in 2005-06 and 2006-07. This included other religious communities like Christians, Hindus or Sikhs living as minorities in different parts of India

Sachar Committee's recommendations in the sphere of education include a special focus on free and compulsory education; institutionalizing the process of evaluating school textbooks so that they better reflect community-specific sensitivities; setting up quality government schools, especially for girls in areas of Minority concentration; and providing priming education in Urdu or native language in areas where the language is widely in use.

[edit]Criticism

Indian media expert^[15] Dasu Krishnamoorti has criticized the way the media has handled the report. He criticizes them saying that "Positive journalism means projecting the Muslims as us and not them".^[16]. Sunil Jain in an article in rediff says "The problem with all such data, however, is that you need to "normalise" it for any meaningful conclusions to be made. Sachar does this only partially"^[17], and that rather than basing its results on the entire population of Muslims, the Report should only have considered those Muslims with a college degree.

In addition, the request made by the Sachar Committee for information pertaining to Muslims soldiers in the Indian Army to bring about a greater representation have been severely criticized by members of the Indian Armed Forces as well as BJP political party. Retired Colonel Anil Athale of the Indian Army comments that it is vital that the Indian Armed forces remain secular and not give preference to anybody irrespective of religion, and that the Sachar Committee seeks to undermine that legacy.[1] However, Dr. Sachar replied to this criticism saying that it was an uncalled for attempt to communalise a non-issue.

The Sachar commission findings were later alleged by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to be manipulated for electoral purposes.^[18]

[edit]Responses from organisations and political parties

• Syed Shahabuddin,the former MP from Janata Dal says Sachar Committee has collected the facts and figures more than suffice. But it should have put forward some concrete resolution like Minority Reservation if needed.^[19].

• BJP representative Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi has said

"

Sachar committee was created for vote-bank reasons. It was designed to serve a political purpose especially ahead of the Uttar Pradesh assembly elections.[18]

"

and elsewhere BJP leaders have given statements and have said that the report is "distorted, politically motivated and dangerous"^[20][21]. BJP leader Murli Manohar Joshi said that the tone and texture of the Sachar Committee "has a striking similarity to the Muslim League of pre-independence era. Unfortunately, the government is irrationally following a policy of blind populism which threatens to divide the nation."^[20]. However, BJP leaders like Sudheedra Kulkarni have criticized the leadership for dismissing the report outright instead of addressing it^[22]. As a chief election strategist in 2009, the BJP election manifesto included steps to be taken on minority communities and improving their situation which were similar to the Sachar committee recommendations in many ways ^[23].

• The JD(U)party president, which is a senior member of the NDA coalition along with BJP, Sharad Yadav has strongly voiced his support and demanded quick implementation of the committee findings. He also emphasised the importance of including Dalit Muslims and Christians in the SC category as they are the only communities that are being discriminated against for the past 60 years^[24].

• The Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) has also urged the government to table the bill for implementing the committee findings even if an emergency session has to be called.^[25]

[edit]References

Complete Sachar Report is available at http://zakatindia.org/Files/Sachar%20Report%20(Full).pdf

1. ^ Clarification On the Work of Justice Rajindar Sachar Committee
2. ^ Sachar Committee Report
3. ^ Impressive analysis The Hindu.
4. ^ National Seminar On Sachar Committee Report in Hyderabad
5. ^ More funds for minorities' welfare
6. ^ Complete Sachar Report http://godgraces.org/files/Muslim%20Report.pdf
7. ^ ^a b Community on the margins
8. ^ http://www.indianexpress.com/news/sachar-nails-madrasa-myth-only-4-muslim-kids-go-there/17677/0
9. ^ http://zakatindia.org/Files/Sachar%20Report%20(Full).pdf
10. ^ ^a b http://www.indianexpress.com/news/in-sachar-report-a-glimmer-of-hope-for-muslims-in-jobs-bpos-are-less-prejudiced/17611/0
11. ^ http://blog.lkadvani.in/blog-in-english/sachar-committee-tell-tale-facts-about-muslims-in-gujarat
12. ^ Summarised Sachar Report on Status of Indian Muslims
13. ^ Responses To Sachar Committee findings
14. ^ Response From an M.P.
15. ^ Welcome to Dasu Krishnamoorthy Media Site
16. ^ Media Response to Sachar Report, Dasu Krishnamoorthy
17. ^ Sachar Report, Myth and reality, Rediff.com
18. ^ ^a b Report shows Sachar findings manipulated: BJP Times of India - 31 March 2007
19. ^ Syed Shahabuddin on Sachar Committee findings
20. ^ ^a b BJP criticized govt on Sachar report,Rediff.com
21. ^ BJP leader criticized Sachar report,The Hindu
22. ^ http://www.tehelka.com/story_main42.asp?filename=Ne130609hindu_divided.asp
23. ^ http://www.bjp.org/images/pdf/election_manifesto_english.pdf
24. ^ http://www.bihartimes.com/Newsbihar/2009/June/Newsbihar02June1.html
25. ^ http://www.indopia.in/India-usa-uk-news/latest-news/4090/National/1/22/1

.

[edit]External links

• Muslim deprivation widespread: Sachar Committee [2]
• Appeal to Sachar Committee [3]
• Sachar Committee Report executive summary (English)
• The Rajendra Sachar Commission Report: Missing Facts No One Dares to Speak Of
• The Sachar report: A flawed number game

Categories: Politics of India | 2006 in India | Committees | Indian commissions | Islam in India

VOL XLV NO 01

Sachar Committee Report : A Review

Anees Chishti

The report of the High-Level Committee appointed by the Prime Minister under the chairmanship of Justice Rajindar Sachar, retired Chief Justice of the Delhi High Court, to study the 'Social, Economic and Educational Status of the Muslim Community of India', has been a subject of wide discussion in the press, among parliamentarians and other politicians as well as in other informed sections of the society.

The seven-member Committee had as its members eminent personalities like Sayid Hamid, former Vice-Chancellor of the Aligarh Muslim University and currently Chancellor, Jamia Hamdard, New Delhi, Prof T.K. Oommen, former Professor at the Jawaharlal Nehru University and a sociologist of world renown, among others. Dr. Abusaleh Shariff, Chief Economist, National Council of Applied Economic Research, who is noted for his perceptive research on various issues of national concern, was the Member-Secretary. There was no woman member: surprising, as the condition of women is very important for any survey of the social scenario among the Muslims. And, the Committee has tried to look at the predicament of the Muslim women in as good a manner as it could.

The Committee had several consultants from different disciplines and had commissioned specialists on various aspects of the subject under coverage to write papers for its use in its study of the complex issues.

The Committee collected data from the various Censuses, the National Sample Survey Organisation (NSSO), banks and, of course, from the Central and State Governments.

The members of the Committee visited different parts of the country to assess the grassroots situation and grasp the realities by experience rather than merely with the help of statistics brought to their desks by investigators. TheCommittee tried to sift the perception of members of the Muslim community (as well as of non-Muslims) and understand the nature and magnitude of the community's grievances, to be able to judge the veracity or otherwise of the expressions of negligence and deprivation.

Most of the grievances of the community are common knowledge and those who have access to the Urdu press in different parts of the country are fully aware of the endless stories of 'woes' and 'miseries' of the community. But a systematic study of these grievances had to be made and the Sachar Committeeventured to do that. We shall deal with the grievances briefly later but, first, a review of the findings of the Sachar Committee in different areas of its concern.

II

It would be appropriate to begin a survey of the Sachar Committee's findings with the fundamental issue of education. The literacy rate for Muslims in 2001 was, according to the Committee's findings, far below the national average. The difference between the two rates was greater in urban areas than in rural areas. For women, too, the gap was greater in the urban areas.

When compared to the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes the growth in literacy for Muslims was lower than for the former. The female urban enrolment in literacy ratio for the SCs/STs was 40 per cent in 1965 that rose to 83 per cent in 2001. The equivalent rate for Muslims—that was considerably higher in 1965 (52 per cent)—recorded a figure of 80 per cent, lower than the figure for the SCs / STs.

According to the Sachar Committee's findings, 25 per cent of Muslim children in the 6-14 age-group either never went to school or else dropped out at some stage.

The disparity in Graduate Attainment Rates between Muslims and other categories has been widening since the 1970s in urban and rural areas. According to the Sachar Committee, only one out of 25 undergraduate students and one out of 50 post-graduate students in 'premier colleges' are Muslims. The percentage of graduates in poor households pursuing post-graduate studies is significantly lower for Muslims: Hindus General (29 per cent); SCs/STs (28 per cent); OBCs (23 per cent); Muslims (16 per cent). The unemployment rate among Muslim graduates is the highest among all Socio-Religious Categories (SRCs), poor as well as non-poor.

In the midst of the widespread discussion about the role of madrasas in the life of Muslims, it is interesting to note that only three per cent of Muslim children go to madrasas.

Some figures of the Committee are very revealing, when the situation of OBCs is considered. In education upto matriculation, graduation and employment in the formal sector all OBCs lag behind in terms of the all-India average. Muslim OBCs (that have been defined here a little later) fall below the Hindu OBCs in all categories. And, General Muslims fare the worst being behind both Hindu and Muslim OBCs.

An important cause for the low level of attainment of Muslims in education is the dearth of facilities for teaching Urdu and other subjects through the medium of Urdu (mother tongue) in lower classes, the Committee points out. It cites the better examples of Karnataka and Maharashtra in this context. These two States are much better equipped with Urdu medium schools at the elementary level. Karnataka has the additional feature of concurrent facilities for English medium as well in a good number of schools, the Committee points out.

In an indirect reference to the utility of reservation, the Committee says that the SCs/STs have reaped advantages of targeted government and private efforts thereby pinpointing the importance of 'affirmative action'.

Employment

According to the findings of the Sachar Committee, Muslims have a considerably lower representation in jobs in the government including those in the Public Sector Undertakings compared to other SRCs. According to these findings, in no State of the country the level of Muslim employment is proportionate to their percentage in the population.

It is pointed out that the situation of government jobs is the best in Andhra Pradesh where a "fairly close" representation (in proportion to the population) has been achieved. Other States with a better picture of representation are: Karnataka (8.5 per cent job share in a population proportion of 12.2 per cent); Gujarat (5.4 per cent against 9.1 per cent); Tamil Nadu (3.2 per cent against 5.6 per cent).

According to an analysis, in all other States, the percentage of Muslims in government employment is half of their population proportion. The highest percentage figure of government employment for Muslims is in Assam (11.2 per cent) even though it is far less than the State's Muslim population (30.9 per cent).

The most glaring cases of Muslims' deprivation in government jobs are found in the States of West Bengal and Kerala where, according to common perception, egalitarianism has been the cherished norm in all walks of life. In West Bengal where almost 25 per cent population practises the Muslim faith, their share in government jobs is a paltry 4.2 per cent. In Kerala the Muslim representation in government jobs is 10.4 per cent, a figure that is short of half of their population percentage. In Bihar and UP the percentages of Muslims in government jobs are found to be less than a third of their population percentages. Those governing these States need to monitor their actions to bring the situation in conformity with their professed objectives and claims.

There are some factors that need to be considered in view of the low employment figures for Muslims on an all-India basis. The Sachar Committeeobserves that the low aggregate work participation ratios for Muslims are 'essentially' due to the much lower participation in economic activity by the women of the community. Also, a large number of Muslim women who are engaged in work do so from their homes rather than in offices or factories. Their figure in this regard is 70 per cent compared to the general figure of 51 per cent

There is a high share of Muslim workers in self-employment activity, especially in urban areas and in the case of women, the Committee points out. Whether this trend is due to compulsion or their non-expectation for jobs in the government or non-government formal sector, or due to their inclination for certain types of work that are done best under a self-employment scheme, would be an important subject for study. The fact has to be considered that Muslims in regular jobs in urban areas are much lower in numbers compared to even the SCs/STs. And, surprisingly, the Muslim regular workers get lower daily earnings (salary) in public and private jobs compared to other socio-religious categories, as the Committee points out.

The point that needs special notice is that, according to the Committee's findings, Muslim participation in professional and management cadres is quite low. Their participation in security-related activities (for example, in the Police services) is considerably lower than their population share (four per cent overall).

In the context of employment of Muslims at the level of the Central Government, the Committee's findings are very revealing. In the Civil Services, Muslims are only three per cent in IAS, 1.8 per cent in IFS and four per cent in IPS. (While the figures are shockingly low compared to the population percentage, the fact also needs to be considered that there were only 4.7 per cent Muslims among the candidates at the Civil Services examinations in 2003-04. The figure would be almost identical for other years.)

In the Railways, 4.5 per cent are Muslims and, significantly, 'almost all' (98.7 per cent) are in low level positions. Are you listening, Laloo Prasad Yadav?

Figures for other Departments are: Education 6.5 per cent, Home 7.3 per cent, Police Constables (for which no special educational qualifications are required) six per cent.

Also to be considered is the finding that in the recent recruitments by State Public Service Commissions, the employment of Muslims has been as low as 2.1 per cent.

Minorities other than Muslims are not placed as delicately as the Muslims. According to the Committee's findings, 11 per cent of Group A jobs are with minorities other than Muslims. Deprivation of Muslims in the State judical set-up seems to be among the most worrying aspects of their overall backwardness.

The data collected by the Committee in this sector are about all levels of the officers and employees: Advocate Generals, District and Sessions Judges, Additional District and Sessions Judges, Chief Judicial Magistrates, Principal Judges, Munsifs, Public Prosecutors, and Group A, B, C and D employees. The overall Muslim presence of 7.8 per cent in the area of judiciary in 12 States with high concentration of Muslim population is considered very low by experts.

To come back to an old theme, in West Bengal with a Muslim population of over 25 per cent, the figure of Muslims in 'key positions' in the judiciary is only five per cent. In Assam with a Muslim population of 30.9 per cent, this figure is 9.4 per cent. Surprisingly, in Jammu and Kashmir (where the Muslim population is 66.97 per cent), the community's share in the State judiciary is only 48.3 per cent. Andhra Pradesh once again scores over other States in terms of equitable and even more than equitable sharing of jobs: Muslims have a share of 12.4 per cent in the State judiciary against a population share of 9.2 per cent.

Experts feel that for an inclusive democracy, an equitable share for all sections of the society in the judiciary is essential: it creates greater public confidence in the judicial process. It would be useful to survey the situation in this regard in some other developing and developed countries to be able to arrive at some remedial measures for this crucial sector of decision-making.

Health and Population

Along with education and employment, health and population welfare are the other areas that have to be assessed for estimating attainments of any society. The Sachar Committee has done this exercise in a comprehensive manner.

First, the overall population picture: According to the 2001 Census, the Muslim population of India was 138 million (13.4 per cent of the total population). This figure is estimated to have crossed the 150 million mark in 2006. According to the estimate cited by the Committee, the share of the Muslim population would rise 'somewhat' and stabilise at just below 19 per cent in the next four decades (320 million Muslims in a total population of 1.7 billion). There are many areas where the Muslim population is 50 per cent or more; and in nine out of 593 districts (Lakshadweep and eight districts of Jammu and Kashmir) the Muslim population is over 75 per cent.

On the positive side, the period 1991-2001 showed a decline in the growth rate of Muslims in most States. According to the Committee's findings, the Muslim population shows an increasingly better sex ratio compared to other Socio-Religious Categories. Infant mortality among Muslims is slightly lower than the average. (It is beyond the Committee's understanding how Muslims should have a child survival advantage despite lower levels of female schooling and economic status.) Life expectancy in the community is slightly higher (by one year) than the average, and this should again surprise many.

The Committee's finding is important that the Muslim child has a significantly greater risk of being underweight or stunted than is the case with other Socio-Religious Categories: the risk of malnutrition is also 'slightly higher' for Muslim children than for 'Other Hindu' children. This again seems to be a contradiction vis-à-vis the reported child survival rate.

Economy

Related to the existing economic condition of Muslims is the issue of providing legitimate support by state and private agencies for the members of the community to improve their position. One would like to examine the situation with regard to trends in the support system of existing instruments. Banks have been seen as an important source of credit to support citizens' economic and commercial ventures. The picture regarding bank loans to members of the minority is not bright, according to the findings of the Sachar Committee. It says that the share of Muslims in 'amounts outstanding' is only 4.7 per cent. This figure is 6.5 per cent in the case of other minorities. Further, on an average the amount outstanding per account for Muslims is about half that of the other minorities and one-third of 'others'.

The pity is that, according to the report, many areas of Muslim concentration have been marked by many banks as 'negative' or 'red' zones where giving loans is not advisable. Something would, indeed, have to be done to put an end to such blanket bans, particularly in view of the Committee's finding that very large numbers of Muslims are engaged in self-employment ventures.

The Reserve Bank of India's efforts at banking and credit facilities under the Prime Minister's 15-Point Programme for the welfare of minorities have, according to the Committee's findings, mainly benefited minorities other than Muslims, thus "marginalising Muslims".

Apart from the formal banking sector there are two other institutions that are meant to extend loans to the disadvantaged for economic ventures: the National Minorities Development and Finance Corporation (NMDFC) and National Backward Classes Finance and Development Corporation (NBCFDC). For loans from the NMDFC, one has to obtain a guarantee from the concerned State Government. According to the Committee, this is the biggest hurdle in the processing of loan applications. And members of minority communities are very adversely affected due to this factor.

Poverty Factor

The Committee has found that substantially large proportion of Muslim households in urban areas are in the less than Rs 500 expenditure bracket. According to calculations mentioned in the Committee's report, using the Head Count Ratio (HCR), overall 22.7 per cent of India's population was poor in 2004-05. In absolute numbers, this amounts to over 251 million people spread across India. The SCs/STs together are the most poor with an HCR of 35 per cent followed by Muslims who record the second highest incidence of poverty with 31 per cent people below the poverty line. The H(indu)-General is the least poor category with an HCR of only 8.7 per cent and the OBCs hold the intermediary level HCR of 21 per cent, which is also close to the all-India average.

The Committee has observed that the inequality is higher in urban areas compared to rural areas in most States. It says that poverty among Muslims is the highest in urban areas with an HCR of 38.4 per cent. Significantly, the fall in poverty for Muslims, according to the data provided to the Committee, has been "only modest during the decade 1993-94 to 2004-05 in urban areas, whereas the decline in rural areas has been substantial". Poverty leads to neglect, or the other way round: the Committee found a "significant inverse association" between the proportion of Muslim population and educational and other infrastructure in small villages. Areas of Muslim concentration are, somehow, not well served with pucca approach roads and local bus stops.

An analysis by the Committee showed a fall in the availability of medical facilities with the rise in the proportion of Muslims, especially in larger villages. A similar but sharper pattern can be seen with respect to post/telegraph offices.

Affirmative Action

Under the existing constitutional provisions, affirmative action in the form of reservation cannot be possible for the entire Muslim community even though, according to the findings of the Sachar Committee, the entire community has been left behind in terms of education, employment and economic status. A way can be found to lift a significant segment of the community's population if social stratification is defined and officially accepted within the Muslim community. It could be done in case of Hindus, and subsequently for Mazhabi Sikhs and neo-Buddhists in terms of caste demarcation. But it would not be easy to have official acceptance of the caste principle. The resistance against acceptance of social stratification on caste lines among Muslims would come largely from the clerics and other orthodox sections of the Muslim community itself which would be adamant in its insistence that caste does not exist within the community. This, even though the fact is that, whether one likes it or not, the Muslim community is divided with caste demarcations almost on the lines of the Hindus. A via media has to be found for a clearly defined backward class like the OBCs among the majority community.

The Sachar Committee has talked of the issue of social stratification among Muslims. It points out that the 1901 Census had listed 133 social groups, "wholly or partially Muslim", in India. This classification thus recognised the fact of social stratification in the community. The Committee has identified different groups of Muslims based on studies by sociologists. The community, according to these studies, as mentioned by the Committee, is placed into

two broad categories , namely, ashraf and ajlaf. The former, meaning 'noble' (emphasis added), includes all Muslims of foreign blood and converts from higher castes. While ajlaf, meaning 'degraded' (emphasis added) or 'unholy', embraces the 'ritually clean' occupational groups and low ranking converts. In Bihar, UP, Bengal, Sayyads, Sheikhs, Moghuls and Pathans constitute the ashrafs, The ajlafs are carpenters, artisans, painters, graziers, tanners, milkmen, etc. According to the Census of 1901, the ajlaf category includes "the various classes of converts who are known as Nao Muslim in Bihar and Nasya in Bengal. It also includes various functional groups such as that of Jolaha or weaver, Dhunia or cotton carder, Kulu or oil presser, Kunjra or vegetable seller, Hajjam or barber, Darzi or tailor, and the like." The 1901 Census also recorded the presence of a third category called Arzal: "It consists of the very lowest castes, such as Halalkhor, Lalbegi, Abdal and Bedia." The Committee has taken note of the fact that the Presidential Order (1950), officially known as Constitutional (Scheduled Caste) Order, 1950, restricts the Scheduled Caste status only to Hindu groups having "unclean" occupations. Their non-Hindu equivalents have been bracketed with the "middle caste converts" and declared OBCs.

The Committee has noted that at least 82 different social groups among Muslims were declared OBCs by the Mandal Commission (1980). Owing to this declaration many Muslim social groups got reservation in different parts of the country under the Backward Classes category. Only two States, Kerala and Karnataka, have provided reservation to the State's entire Muslim population (minus the creamy layer). The roots of this policy have to be traced to the colonial days.

In Karnataka (the erstwhile princely state of Mysore), affirmative action started in 1874 (with 80 per cent posts in the Police Department having been reserved for non-Brahmins, Muslims and Indian Christians). In Karnataka today, all Muslims with income of less than Rs 2 lakhs per annum enjoy four per cent reservation in jobs and admission to institutions in the category of 'More Backwards'. In Kerala Muslims enjoy 12 per cent reservation, with some other communities and social groups too being provided reservation.

Tamil Nadu, which had a tradition of reservation to Muslims since 1872, withdrew such reservation following independence. Currently even though there is no reservation in the State on the basis of religion, nearly 95 per cent Muslims have been provided reservation as Backward Classes, according to the data provided by the State Government to the Sachar Committee. Significantly enough, reservations in Tamil Nadu stand at 69 per cent, much above the limit of 50 per cent fixed by the Supreme Court. Looking at the state of public employment for OBCs the Committee found that unemployment rates were the highest among Muslim OBCs when compared to Hindu OBCs and Muslims General. In the formal sector (government/PSUs), the share of Muslim OBCs was much lower than those of Hindu OBCs and Muslims General.

At the workers' level, the Committee estimated that out of every hundred workers about eleven were Hindu OBCs, three were Muslims General and only one was a Muslim OBC.

The Committee had divided public employment into six 'agencies' of the Central Government including PSUs and universities. It found that the Hindu OBCs were under-represented. But their under-representation was less than that of Muslim OBCs in five out of the six agencies, less than that of Muslims General in three out of the six agencies. In the State services the Committeefound that Muslim OBCs had a better share at the Group A level, but their presence was insignificant at other levels.

In the context of Muslim OBCs, the Committee concluded that the abysmally low representation of Muslim OBCs suggests that the benefits of entitlements meant for the Backward Classes are yet to reach them. The Committee also concluded that "the conditions of Muslims General are also lower than the Hindu-OBCs who have the benefits of reservations".

III

While the Sachar Committee has done a laudable job of assembling a huge body of data and presenting it in an easily digestible manner, it has not been as meticulous in formulating its recommendations. Perhaps it was due to the fatigue after an enormous amount of legwork on a national scale and the subsequent analysis of the compiled information that its members had to do in about 15 months of actual work, coupled with the desire of submitting itsreport rather urgently and the fact that much of the information about its findings had already been accessed by a section of the press. In view of the mind-boggling findings and the very sensitive nature of the ground it was traversing a very comprehensive matrix of recommendations should have been presented by an able and competent panel blending experience and fresh thinking. Unfortunately this could not be achieved by the Committee. The most important recommendations of the Committee can be summarised as under:

• Creation of a National Data Bank (NDB) where relevant data about different socio-religious communities could be stored to facilitate any study and subsequent action.

• Setting up of an autonomous Assessment and Monitoring Authority (AMA) for a regular audit of the benefits of different programmes of the government reaching the concerned communities or groups.

• Establishing an Equal Opportunities Commission (EOC) to examine and analyse the grievances of deprived groups, the inspiration understandably for it coming from the Race Relations Act, 1976 of the United Kingdom that finds mention in the Committee's recommendation.

• Exploring the idea of introducing some incentives to a 'Diversity Index' in the realms of education, government, and private employment and housing programmes. Special mention has been made of a possible programme of incentives to colleges and institutions under the University Grants Commission linked to diversity in the student population.

• Evolving some sort of a 'nomination' procedure for enhancing the levels of inclusiveness in governance.

• Certain measures like removal of anomalies in Reserved Constituencies for General Elections against complaints of declaring Muslim concentration areas as SC/ST reserved seats.

• Institutionalising evaluation procedures for textbooks, alternate admission criteria in regular universities and autonomous colleges; cost friendly reasonable hostel facilities for minority students as a priority; making teacher training oriented to ideals of pluralism; state-run Urdu medium schools for primary education in mother tongue; ensuring appointment of experts from minority community on interview panels and boards; linking madrasas with higher secondary schools facilitating shift of students who might opt for a mainstream education system after a few years; recognition of degrees from madrasas for competitive examinations (a recommendation hard to find acceptance in any section of concerned quarters); on the economic front, provision of financial and other support to initiatives built around occupations where Muslims are concentrated and that have growth potential.

The above suggestions have given considerable food for thought with regard to the panacea for deprivation of the Muslim community in various spheres. But a more comprehensive and concrete programme should have been suggested by the Committee.

This task could have been performed best by the able members of this panel who had travelled far and wide and acquainted themselves with the grassroots realities rather than leaving it for another possible committee for a start from a scratch. This was essential to get action initiated on the basis of its findings instead of letting this venture too meet the fate of the earlier Gopal SinghCommittee over two decades ago that had similar findings (although it had a narrower coverage than the Sachar Committee). Now it is for the Prime Minister and his government to decide the future course of action to remedy the situation regarding the travails of the Muslim community.

IV

Much of the Sachar Committee's endeavour was in pursuance of the perception among Muslims of utter neglect and apathy, and even suspicion, towards the Muslim community on the part of governmental agencies—right or wrong! An oft-repeated remark by many members of the community was that Muslims carried a double burden of being labelled as 'anti-national' and as being 'appeased' at the same time. Or, whenever any act of violence or terror occurs Muslim boys are picked up by the police. "Every bearded man is considered an ISI agent," the Committee has quoted someone as saying. It was also pointed out that "social boycott of Muslims in certain parts of the country have forced them to migrate from places where they lived for centuries."

The Committee has also observed that identification of Urdu as a Muslim language and its politicisation has complicated matters. A worrying observation is that Muslims do not see education as necessarily translating into formal employment. And, many a time madrasas are the only educational option for Muslims.

On the economic front, the Committee observes that liberalisation of the economy has resulted in displacement of Muslims from their traditional occupations, thus depriving them of their livelihood.

The Committee has reported that there were many complaints of Muslims' names missing from electoral rolls. It could not look into the veracity or otherwise of this complaint. But what the Committee found in case of complaints that a number of Muslim concentration Assembly constituencies are declared as 'reserved' seats for the SCs (deliberately?) should certainly worry those involved with the work of delimitation of constituencies. Its analysis of reserved constituencies for SCs in Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and West Bengal proved that there was truth in the allegation of the members of the minority community in this regard.

With the perception of Muslims not being quite favourable to official agencies, the revelation of the findings of the Sachar Committee with regard to over-representation of the community in the country's prisons, reported (before the submission of its report to the Prime Minister) by The Indian Express, in its series of reports entitled 'The Missing Muslim', created a sensation. The Urdu press was on fire and questions were asked why prisons were the only place where Muslims were over-represented compared to all other communities and in some cases their representation being much higher than their population proportion.

In Maharashtra, the percentage of Muslim jail inmates in all categories was found to be way above their share in the population (share in population: 10.6 per cent; share in prison inmates: 17.5 per cent). In Gujarat the position was: share in population: 9.06 per cent; share in jail inmates: over 25 per cent). The situation was on similar lines in other States too although the jail inmate share might not be as bad in other States as in the States mentioned above.

Following the submission of the report to the Prime Minister, The Indian Express reported that the data with regard to prisons were edited out of the Sachar report, following the concern expressed on these figures in different quarters. Some observers felt that the prison figures should not have been omitted, as they would have given a clear picture of some of the Muslim grievances with regard to the more sensitive issues.

The remedy for the travails of the Muslim community can be found largely by the community's bolder initiatives in the field of education that would empower them as nothing else would.

The government, on its part, seems to be ready for whatever remedial measures can be adopted by its different agencies. The recent initiative taken by the Deputy Chairman of the Rajya Sabha, K. Rehman Khan, to arrive at a consensus for action on an all-party basis, through a conclave of Muslim MPs (including some from the Bharatiya Janata Party, which has been very critical of the very appointment of the Sachar Committee), seems to be a significant one. One only hopes that such an initiative would have the support of the government and some concrete steps would be taken without much delay.

http://www.mainstreamweekly.net/article95.html

2006 Sachar committee report

Submitted by kashif on Wed, 12/20/2006 - 03:35.

Those of you who would like to do something for the Muslims of India, but find it time-consuming to read the full Sachar Report, here is an easy summary guide to choose
which field you would like to work in. I have adapted it based on the Summary given by Dr. Syed Zafar Mehmood on Milligazette.

On Reservation for Muslims -

The Committee noted that the public opinion in India was divided on reservation.

1 . Some argued that policies that promote equality must aim at a substantive equal outcome, not merely formal equal or identical treatment.
Reservations or a separate quota for Muslims in employment and educational institutions was viewed as a means to achieve this.

2. Others felt that reservations could become a thorny issue and have negative repercussions .

3. Still others felt that good educational facilities combined with non-discriminatory practices are adequate for Muslims to compete

4. Some argued that this facility should only be available to â€ËÅ"dalit’ Muslims, while others suggested that the entire Community should benefit from it.

5. Some said ,Economic criterion was an ideal basis for reservations.

6. There were voices that questioned the non-availability of the Schedule Caste quota for Muslims while it was available to the followers of three religions.

On Political Participation of Muslims -

1. Cross section of the people was of the conviction that political participation and representation in governance structures are essential to achieve equity.

2. The Committee’s attention was also drawn to the issue of Muslim concentration constituencies of Assemblies and Parliament declared as reserved for Schedule Caste persons while constituencies with very low Muslim population but high SC concentration remain unreserved.
Second allegation regarding reservation of constituencies was found to be correct

For the first allegation the Committee did not collect any data.

On Literacy amongst Muslims -

1. 25 per cent of Muslim children in the 6-14 year age group have either never attended school or have dropped out.

2. Drop out rates among Muslims are higher at the level of primary, middle and higher secondary.

3.The Committee observed that since artisanship is a dominant activity among Muslims technical training should be provided to even those who may not have completed schooling.

4. In premier colleges only one out of 25 under-graduate students and one out of 50 post-graduate students is a Muslim.

On Employment

1. Unemployment rate among Muslim graduates is the highest among all socio-religious communities.

On Madrasa - The myth broken

Only 3% of Muslim children among the school going age go to Madarsas.

There is dearth of facilities for teaching Urdu.

Attitude towards Education, in Muslims

1. The Committee found that Muslim parents are not averse to mainstream education or to send their children to affordable Government schools.

Education of Muslim Girls -

1. Access to government schools for Muslim children is limited.

2.There is non-availability of schools within easy reach for girls at lower levels.

3. Absence of girls hostels and female teachers are also impeding factors.

Observations which could help Muslims

1. The schedule castes and schedule tribes have definitely reaped the advantages of targeted government and private action supporting their educational progress.

2. The sharper focus on school education combined with more opportunities in higher education for Muslims seems desirable.

3. Moreover, skill development initiatives for those who have not completed school education may also be particularly relevant for some sections of Muslims given their occupational structure.
4. Bidi workers, tailors and mechanics need to be provided with social safety nets and social security.

5. The participation of Muslims in the professional and managerial cadre is low.

6. Muslim regular workers are the most vulnerable with no written contract and social security benefits. Muslim regular workers get lower daily earnings in both public and private jobs compared to other socio-religious communities.

7.Since a large number of Muslim workers are engaged in self-employment, skill development and credit related initiatives need to be tailored for such groups.

On Banks and Muslims -

1. The average amount of bank loan disbursed to the Muslims is 2/3 of the amount disbursed to other minorities. In some cases it is half.

2. The Reserve Bank of India’s efforts to extend banking and credit facilities under the Prime Minister’s 15-point programme of 1983 has mainly benefited other minorities marginalizing Muslims. Muslim community is not averse to banking and more improvements can be brought about with specific measures.

3. Some banks have identified a number of Muslim concentration areas as negative geographical zones where bank credit and other facilities are not easily provided. Steps should be introduced to specifically direct credit to Muslims, create awareness of various credit schemes and bring transparency in reporting of information.

Muslims and Basic Infrastructure Facilities -

1. The concentration of Muslims in states lacking infrastructural facilities implies that a large proportion of the community is without access to basic services.

2. In both urban and rural areas, the proportion of Muslim households living in pucca houses is lower than the total population.

3.Compared to the Muslim majority areas, the areas inhabiting fewer Muslims had better roads, sewage and drainage and water supply facilities.

4. Substantially larger proportion of the Muslim households in urban areas are in the less than Rs.500 expenditure bracket.

Muslims in Government Services

1. The presence of Muslims has been found to be only 3% in the IAS, 1.8% in the IFS and 4% in the IPS.

2. The share of Muslims in employment in various departments is abysmally low at all levels.

3. Muslim community has a representation of only 4.5% in Indian Railways while 98.7% of them are positioned at lower levels.

4.Representation of Muslims is very low in the Universities and in Banks. In no state does the representation of Muslims in the government departments match their population share.

5. Their share in police constables is only 6%, in health - 4.4%, in transport - 6.5%.

There is need to ensure a significant presence of Muslims especially in those departments that have mass contact on a day to day basis or are involved in sensitive tasks

Constitutional Rights for the Muslims -

1. The Presidential Order of 1950 is inconsistent with Article 14, 15, 16 and 25 of the Constitution that guarantee equality of opportunity, freedom of conscience and protect the citizens from discrimination by the State on grounds of religion, caste or creed.

2. The monthly Per Capita Expenditure of Muslims is much lower than the national average.

3. Benefits of entitlements meant for the backward classes are yet to reach Muslim OBCs. The condition of Muslims in general is also lower than the Hindu-OBCs who have the benefit of reservations.

On Wakf Properties -

1.There are about 5 lakh registered Wakfs with 6 lakh acre land and Rs 6,000 crore book value.

2.But the gross income from all these properties is only 163 crores i.e. 2.7%.

3.The management of Wakf Boards is unsatisfactorily due to inadequate empowerment of the State Wakf Boards and Centreal Wakf Council.

4.Encroachment of Wakf properties by the State is a common practice. The attitude of the State Governments and their agencies has resulted in large scale abrogation of the cherished objectives of the Wakfs.

5.Failure on the part of the state and statutory bodies entrusted with safeguarding Wakf properties has caused disquiet in the Muslim community.

Recommendations -

1.An Equal Opportunity Commission should be constituted to look into the grievances of the deprived groups.

2.A carefully conceived nomination procedure should be worked out to increase inclusiveness in governance.

3.The idea of providing certain incentives to a diversity index should be explored. Incentives can be related to this index so as to ensure equal opportunities to all socio religious communities in the fields of education, governance, private employment and housing.

4.Teacher training should be compulsory ensuring in its curriculum the components which introduce the importance of diversity and plurality

5. To facilitate admissions to the most backward amongst all the socio religious communities in the regular universities and autonomous colleges, alternate admission criteria need to be evolved.

6. Providing hostel facilities at reasonable costs for students from minorities must be taken up on a priority basis.

7. The community should be represented on interview panels and Boards.

8. Provide financial and other support to initiatives built around occupations where Muslims are concentrated and have growth potential.

9.The states should run Urdu medium schools. Work out mechanisms whereby Madarsas can be linked with a higher secondary school board so that students wanting to shift to a regular mainstream education can do so after having passed from a Madarsa.

10.The real need is of policy initiatives that improve the participation and share of the Minorities, particularly Muslims in the business of regular commercial banks.

Adapated from Summarised Sachar Reprt on Status of Indian Muslims - by Dr. Syed Zafar Mahmood - Milligazette

http://www.milligazette.com/dailyupdate/2006/200612141_Sachar_Report_Sta...

Dr. Tayyaba Abidin Qidwai
Oman

http://www.indianmuslims.info/reports_about_indian_muslims/2006_sachar_committee_report.html

Kulin System Of Bengal Was Meant For Supremacy Of Brahmins

Dr. K. Jamanadas

The idea of this Kulin System was only to create the population who accepts the domination of brahmins and observe strict caste rules. What this has led to can be seen by the accounts of struggle that was launched by the leaders of Bengal in the last century. Raja Ram Mohun Roy was busy with problem of Sati and could not devote much time for other reforms. It fell upon Ishwarchandra Vidyasagar to "struggle for abolition of polygamy". The English word polygamy, which is used to describe kulin system, does not give clear idea to the readers unacquainted with this kulin system, which is described below. Most of us are acquainted with 'harem' of kings. We also know among hindus in India, till 1956, there was no law against marrying any number of girls, unlike muslims, who could marry only four wives.

Vidyasagar, being himself a kulin, was well conversant with the abuses of the kulin polygamy of Bengal, with increasing numbers of child widows and its attendant problems. Excerpts from a petition to the Company Government in 1855, make interesting reading. : [p. 110 ff. Benoy Ghose: "Iswar Chandra Vidyasagar", 1965, Publication Division, Govt. of India.]

"The Kulins marry solely for money and with no intention to fulfill any of the duties which marriage involves. The women, who are thus nominally married without the hope of ever enjoying the happiness which marriage is calculated to confer particularly on them, either pine away for want of objects on which to place the affections which spontaneously arise in the heart, or are betrayed by the violence of their passions and their defective education into immorality."

There is a vast literature in Bengal, called 'kulaji' or 'kulasastra' dealing with history and genealogy of Brahmins and other important castes. The kulaji of "Radhiya" brahmins hold them descendants of five families brought in 8th or 9th century by an unidentified king Adisura. The kulaji of "Varendra" hold king Ballalsen (1158-79 A.D.) responsible for founding kulin system. Why this system started? We are told:

"... after the reign of the Pala kings of Bengal, who were patrons of Buddhism, a revival of Hinduism followed during the reign of Sena kings from the 12th century onwards. There was need for reorganizing the social structure of Hinduism based on the caste system, and some rigid rules were formulated to maintain the purity of the higher castes, particularly the brahmins." [Benoy Ghose, Ibid. p.111]

This system, if it deserves such a term of 'system', led to hypergamy where bridegroom must be from a higher caste or subcaste resulting in surplus of unmarried girls. As sastras ordained that the daughters must be married off before puberty and pronounced curses on defaulters, one man married a large number of brides, who were never supported economically by the husband.

"... Thus marriage itself became a gainful occupation. Among the kulin brahmins, even septuagenarians and octogenarians, with two or three dozens of wives, were considered good matches by the helpless parents of kulin brahmin girls. A kind of marriage fees, ranging from Rs. 5/- to Rs. 500/- was usually charged by the kulin brahmins for marrying a kulin girl. Even teenagers were married to dying octogenarian husbands. The old man's gain, before his death, was a few rupees." [Benoy Ghose, Ibid. p. 112]

Rashbehari Mukhopadhya, a leader of East Bengal, who worked against the system, wrote in 1881, about himself. He was compelled to marry in quick succession to eight girls for 'economic relief of family'. If he was wiling, he would have been forced to marry 'at least one hundred girls within a few years'. As he was unwilling, he was compelled to break away from joint family forcibly with a burden of loan. As a result of this, he had to marry six more girls 'to meet immediate economic needs.' [Benoy Ghose, Ibid. p.113 ff.]

A committee of leading Bengalis, was appointed by the British Lieutenant Governor of Bengal to study the problems of kulin system. Some of the observations of the committee were as follows.

Bridegroom extracts heavy consideration, in addition to usual gifts, from family of bride, at the time of marriage. On the occasion of any visit, presents are given, making marriage a lucrative profession. A kulin brahmin having, say, thirty wives may find it immensely profitable to pay a monthly visit to each father-in-law's house and spend the whole year enjoying good food and presents, without doing anything for earning his livelihood. This system was making brahmins a class of 'unproductive parasites'.

Marriage in old age and husband often never sees his wife, or at best visits her once in every three four years or so. As many as three or four marriages are known to have been contracted by one brahmin on a single day. Sometimes, all the daughters and unmarried sisters are married to same brahmin.

These married girls, and many who are compelled to remain unmarried, live a very miserable life. The result is the most heinous crimes like adultery, abortion, infanticide, and prostitution.

Cases are known of men marrying 82, 72, 65, 60, and 42 wives and having had 18, 32, 41, 25 and 32 sons and 26, 27, 25, 15 and 16 daughters.

The evils of Kulin system were briefly enumerated by the committee as follows:

"The practical deprivation of the indulgence of natural ties and desires in the female sex in a legitimate manner; the virtual, sometimes the actual, desertion of the wife by her natural and legal protector, the husband; the encouragement of the practice of celibacy amongst the female sex; the non- maintenance of the wife by the husband; the suppression or abandonment of the wife at the mere pleasure of the husband; the formation of the contract of the marriage for merely money considerations; the denial of nuptials except upon special monetary consideration given; the ruin, from a property point of view, of families; the contraction of the marriage tie avowedly without any intention even on the part of the husband of fulfilling any one of the duties of that tie; the binding down of the female sex to all the obligations of the marriage state, whilst yet withholding from that sex every one of the advantage of that state; prostitution; and, lastly, the encouragement of the actual crimes of adultery, abortion and infanticide, and of the habit and practice of the concealment of such crimes." [Benoy Ghose, Ibid. p.119]

In 1871 and 1873, Vidyasagar published two tracts, wherein he gave statistics of kulinism with long list of names giving the number of their wives with their ages. Some of the kulin brahmins did not even know how many girls they had actually married. Some kept a diary with accounts of marriages and presents received at the time of marriage and further on each visit, being recorded. [Benoy Ghose, Ibid. p. 121 ff.]

Vidyasagar writes in first one of these two books:
"One of the root causes of our social disintegration is the prevalence of the custom of polygamy in the hindu society. It has been eroding the moral foundation of our society for centuries, and breeding many ills and vices. Thousands of married women are being daily thrown into the hell of untold sufferings for the continuity of this inhuman custom. It has let loose all conceivable vices and uprooted the moral anchors of society. It is encouraging all sorts of vices - adultery, debauchery, infanticide and prostitution. .." [Benoy Ghose, Ibid. p. 122]

It must be remembered that all these sufferings were caused by the brahmins to their own kith and kin, their own women folk, with only one intention, that is to keep the supremacy of their own caste, which was in danger due to Buddhist ideals in the society during the Buddhist kings' rule.

To understand the background of this system we have to go into the History of Bengal and its people. The following information is drawn mostly from Sarita Mukta Reprints vol. 9, p.117 ff. article by Vasant Chatterji - "bangal ke bangali kaun?" sarita July 1968(II), 262

Vasant Chatterji very aptly remarks
"Bengal, which now remains as only west Bengal, is a different from other states of India. It is different in many respects like history, casteism, religion, politics, education. What applies to rest of India about social and economic matters does not apply to Bengal. It has got its own separate situation."

Chatterji laments that the knowledge about Bengal is also limited. The popular ideas that Bengalis are "bhuka bangali" or they are "communists" are both wrong ideas. He feels, rather sarcastically, that those who can be called real Bengalis are hardly 30 to 40 lakhs in a total population of about 3.5 crores. The majority of population consists of following groups:

Original inhabitants

1. Old 'mul nivasi' of Austrasiai or Austric origin, which go by the name of 'Kol' (Kolerian). They live in water logged areas and are experts in navigation and cultivation of rice and are brave and able to tolerate hardships.

Bengal was outside 'aryavrat' for about thousand years. The aryas going there used to be declared 'condemned' and 'depressed' (bhrashta and patit), and were excommunicated. During those centuries, Mongoloid migration occurred. They all intermixed with original inhabitants, were called as 'kirat' and 'monkhemr' etc., and ruled the country as a powerful non-aryan state for many dynasties.

Presumably, he is referring to kingdoms from the times of Lord Buddha, till the arrival of Brahminical culture to Bengal in the times of Samudragupta - a Buddhist period of history.

In fourth century, Bengal became part of a so called 'hindu' empire. The original inhabitants were now called 'kaivart'. It was an old tradition of Aryas to call any non aryan living near sea or river as 'daasha' or 'daasa' (mallaaha). It appears to be more of an abuse, as can be verified from Manu, who does not consider very highly of them.

This is the main caste of Bengal, and has majority population in villages. They are divided into two sub-castes - 'mazi kaivarta', who catch fish or ply boats and 'haali kaivarta', who do farming. A few families from them got some titles and got rich due to some political service rendered by them at some time in the history, and some were kings, sardars and jagirdars.

Some of them were, due to their power or prosperity, 'elevated' by the brahmin priests to the 'honourable title' of 'nama shudra', meaning, 'shudra for name sake', and given lowest position in hindu society, or nearly made untouchables. In 1943 famine about 30 lakh people who died were mostly from these castes. Nobel laureate Amartya Sen, as is well known, talks of this famine, which was subject of his study.

Muslims

2. Second group is of Muslims. These were also of ancient 'kaivarta' castes. Upto ninth tenth century, here flourished the Buddhist kingdom of Palas. The ancestors of these muslims were Buddhists. But since middle of eleventh century, since Brahmin rule of Sena kings started, there was a period of tremendous atrocities committed against them for about a hundred years. As a result, when Muslims came, these people welcomed them whole heartedly and in a short time, all of them became Muslims. We all know that some brahmanical leaders like Veer Sawarkar, have blamed Buddhists for embracing Islam during this period.

This resulted ultimately in creation of East Pakistan, and now Bangala Desh. Even today Muslims in Bengal are called "Nede", meaning 'bald' because their forefathers were tonsured as Buddhists and were known as "Nede".

Sen dynasty was the first and the last Hindu kingdom, which fell to Bakhtiyar Khilaji, who had a cavalry of only 12 horsemen. How this happened could be the subject matter of another article.

Muslims in Bengal are treated as untouchables. Their condition became worse after Britishers came, because, originally they were dalits, and deprived of education.

Wangals

3. Third group is of Wangals, a name for all people of East Bengal. The separation of East Bengal from rest of Bengal is not because of Muslims, not because of partition of Bengal in 1905, and not because of Indo Pak partition of Bengal in 1947. The credit (?) goes to a valiant Hindu king Ballalsen, who was father of last flee away king Laxmansen.

Kulin System

This king Ballalsen, was a learned person. After the fall of Buddhist kingdom of Palas, with an aim of establishing a Brahmin religion from a fresh start, Ballalasen took many new steps including oppression of Buddhists. He divided the country into four areas, with the purpose of establishing kulin system. These areas were

1. "Radha" i.e. western area, the present Vardhaman Division,
2. "Varendra" - Northern area,
3. "Vagadi" - forest lands around the sea in south, and
4. "Vangal" - Eastern Bengal.

The brahmins in these areas are called Radhi, Varendra, Vangal etc.

Chatterji observes:
"It was the work of the same king, who created four types of Bengalis in Bengal. For this purpose, he did the same thing as every other Hindu king used to do after winning a new territory, to keep his own caste 'pure' or make it so. That is, he called from some famous brahmin centres like Mithila, Kashi, Prayag or Kanauj a few brahmin families and settled them in his kingdom, similar to the bull-sires of "Shiva" are left by today's pious Hindu devotees to impregnate the cows. So that these people should do their 'work' properly and not interfere in one another's area of interest, he divided the country into four areas as above and settled in each one of them one batch of these 'pure' brahmins, and relegated the work of increasing the population of 'Arya vamsha' in the three Hindu castes (perhaps meaning - Brahmin, Baidyas and Kayasthas ?). These people had been doing this work for about eight hundred years without any hindrance."

The famous Varendra families are Sanyal, Bagchi, Ghoshal, Mohotra etc. Among Radhis, five families are famous. They call themselves Kanyakubja, i.e. from Kanauj and are called after titles given by the Sena kings, as Upadhyaya Acharya etc. These names are now corrupted to Chatterji, Mukherji, Banarji, Ganguli and Bhattachari due to English pronunciation in British times.

Chaterji avers:
"As mentioned above, from the time of Sena rule, till the middle of 19th century, the main function of all these brahmins have been to marry hundreds of girls and raise the progeny according to Manu Smruti. Ballalsen meant only this by 'kulin' system."

As is well known, to curb the Buddhist practice of becoming a bhikkhu and renounce the worldly affairs in young age, it is enjoined by the brahmanic sastras that out of four ashramas, the grahasta ashram is the most important, and here one has to repay the four debts. One of them is to have a progeny, when man becomes free from the father's debt.. But this Kulin system was quite different from method of repaying the 'father's debt'.

Child's caste was decided by the mother's caste. But some times, the progeny of so called low caste brahmins also could get high caste because of wealth. Many Kayasthas became rich and adored themselves with 'yadnopavita' and became the 'dwijas' calling themselves as ksatriyas. That way, the place of Kayasthas in Bengal's varna system is among the sudras, as Chaterji says.

These hundreds of wives of Brahmins used to reside with their parents. Their husbands used to wander from place to place doing bhajan etc. and visit them may be once or twice a year. This was enough for procreation and propagation of race. Thus within a few generations, a vast corps of brahmin progeny was created, which became the main support of brahman religion and became quite distinct from the original inhabitants of Bengal.

During Muslim rule, second work of these people was to prevent the widow remarriage and implement the 'sati' system rigorously. In north India, sati was limited to only royal families, but in Bengal, these brahmins made it implemented cruelly. The reason was obvious. This strictness was necessary for the safety of husbands, as each of them had hundreds of wives. With the ban on widow remarriage and practice of sati, no dissatisfied wife could dare to poison the husband. No widow could save her property from the clutches of the brahmins, because only brahmin could condone the performance of sati. This condonation used to cost a lot.

Kayasthas always learnt language of the rulers. In muslim rule they learnt their language, and became parts of state machinery. They earned so much money, that though in the eyes of brahmins they were sudras, still they could employ brahmins as their servants for worship etc. The Baidyas also followed Kayashthas and brahmins. But the fact remains, which is well known that, in the brahmanic books of middle ages, a lot of abuse is showered over kayasthas as well as on baidyas.

Every Ambedkarite needs to know the history of these people, for two reasons. Firstly, the mechanisms of Brahmanic atrocities always affects the women and Shudras, and secondly, these were the people to whom we should be grateful for Ambedkar's entry in Constituent Assembly.

Everybody knows how Dr. Ambedkar was prevented from getting into the Constituent Assembly from Maharashtra and he had to go to Bengal and on the votes of these so called 'chandals', he entered the Constituent Assembly. As Ambedkarites, we have a lot of respect for these people because they, under the leadership of Jogendra Nath Mandal, were the people who got Dr. Ambedkar elected to Constituent Assembly. For this 'treacherous' act of theirs, we understand, their area was given to East Pakistan, as a punishment, though a non-Muslim area. We also like to understand more about this aspect.

I am aware that this is not the complete picture. If any one can elaborate further, I shall be thankful.

http://www.ambedkar.org/brahmanism/Kulin_System_Of_Bengal_Was_Meant_For_Supremacy_Of_Brahmins.htm

DECLINE AND FALL OF BUDDHISM 
(A tragedy in Ancient India)

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Chapter 9

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KULIN SYSTEM OF BENGAL WAS MEANT FOR SUPREMACY OF BRAHMINS
Traditional Account of Kulinism

The following is the extract taken from the book "The Caste System of the Hindus", by Rajah Comm: Sourindro Mohun Tagore, publ. Indilogical book house, Varanasi. (1963), pp.17 ff.

During the reign of Adisura, a Vaidya King of Bengal, the celebration of a yajna (sacrifice) became necessary owing to a drought, but there having been at that time no Brahmana so learned as to perform it, Adisura requested Virsinha, the King of Kanya Kubjya (Cononj), to send him some Brahmanas versed in the Veda and competent to perform the intended yajna. Five Brahmanas were accordingly sent, viz:-

1. Bhattanarayana [f.n.: The Tagore family has sprung from Bhatta-narayan] who was said to be of Sandilya Gotra, being descended from the sage Sandilya; 2. Sriharsha of Bharadwaja Gotra, from the sage Bharadwaja; 3. Vedagarva of Sawarna Gotra, from the sage Sawarna; 4. Chhandara of Vatsya Gotra, from the sage Vatsya; and 5. Daksha of Kasyapa Gotra from the sage Kasypa. These five Brahmana brought five Kayastha servants with them, viz.: 1. Makaranda Ghosh; 2. Kali Dasa Mitra; 3. Dasaratha Guha; 4. Dasartha Basu and 5. Purushottama Datta. These five Brahmanas as well as their servants the five Kayasthas were afterwards honored as the Kulina. Of these, those who lived in the Barendra land of North Bengal were called the Barendra Brahmanas and thosse who lived in West Bengal were called Rarhi Barhmanas. Those who are not Kulinas among the Rarhis are called Banysagas and among the Barendras are called Kafs. Although the Barendra and the Rarhis have sprung from the same origin, still owing to their living in different localities, they cannot socially mix with each other, e.g. marriage cannot take place between a Barendra and a Rarhi; a Rarhi does not take food cooked by a Barendra and so forth.

Shyamal Varma, a Kshatriya King also brought five Brahmanas from Konouj, viz :- 1. Sanaka; 2. Bhardwaja; 3. Savarna; 4. Sandilya; 5. Vasistha; many years after Adisura. Five willages viz.:-

1. Samahtasar in Furreedpur; 2. Navadwip in Nuddea; 3. Chandradwip in Backergunj; 4. Kotaliparah in Furreedpur; and 5. Joyari in Rajshahi; were granted to the five above-mentioned Brahmanas respectively. The descendants of these Brahmanas are called the Vaidik Brahmanas. They are divdided into two classes, viz,:- 1. Paschtya, i.e. those who lived in West Bengal; and 2. Dakshinatya, i.e. those who lived in South Bengal. Those two classes of the Vaidiks cannot socially mix with each other. There is no system of Kulinism among the vaidiks.

The five above mentioned Kulin families lived in 56 different villages. They were therefore called Chhappanna Grami (i.e. of 56 village). The word Grami has been corrupted into Gai.

The Kulins may again be distinguished into four Thaks (orders), viz.:- Phule, Vallabhi, Kharda and Sarvanandi. Any of these can take food prepared by any other; but no marriage can take place between them.

This pernicious system of Kulinism is prevelaent only in Bengal. No trace of it whatever can be found in any other country of India. Kulinism has produced immense evil in this country. Owing to this system, a Kulin Brahmana is often obliged to keep his dauthter a maid for ever for want of a bridegroom of the ssame rank of Kulins as he himself is. Sometimes one Kulin Brahmana marries some 300 wives or else those poor girls would not have been married, for there might not be another person of the same social position among the Kulins as their fathers were. The result is that the country is being filled with horrible crimes.

Those Brahmanas who do not follow up their Brahmanical duties, e.g. who act as spiritual guides or as priests of the lowest classes, such as Suvarna vanika, Chandala, &c., are called Patita (degenerated or fallen) Brahmanas.

The Kshatriya caste is rare in Bengal. Those Kshatriyas who live here cannot socially mix with those in the North-Western Provinces; for the former on account of their long residence in the Lower Provinces have adopted to a great measure the habits, manners, and customs of the Bengalis, among whom they live. the Kshatriyas generaly take the surnames of Barman and Mal.

No original Vaisyas can be found in Bengal; in fact unmixed Vaisyas are very rare. The jeweller class of Bengal, called the Jaharis, most likely have sprung from the Vaisyas. Almost all the Jaharis have embraced Jainism. They cannot socially mix with any other caste in Bengal. [p. 18]

The Sudras are not of Aryan descent.

Among the castes found in Bengal, besides Brahmana, the highest is the Kayastha. This caste is said to have sprung from the Kshatriya caste. The story about the orign of the Kayastha runs thus: While Parusurama, one ofthe ten avatars (incarnations) of Vishnu (one of the Hindu gods - the Preserver of the universe), was engaged in extirpating the Kshatriyas, a Kshatriya king named Bhandrasena and his wife, big with child, took refuge in the hermitage of the sage Talavya. Parasurama went thither to kill them; but the sage informed him that he would on no account allow Parasurama to kill the king and the queen for they were sage's guests. An agreement was then entered into by which the king was not to allow his child, if male, to follow up the profession of a Kshatriya, but the son should leave the sword and have recourse to the pen for his livelihood. A son was born to the king and his descendants were afterwards called the Kayasthas.

The Kayasthas were divided into the Uttara Rarhis, the Dakshina Rarhis and the Bangajas; the last being the original Kayastha inhabitants of Bengal and they now chiefly live in East Bengal. The Dakshina Rarhis at present have largely spread over this part of Bengal, They are subdivided into two classes, viz :- The Kulins and the Mauliks. The Ghoshes, the Basus and the Mitras (three surnames of the Kayasthas) are the Kulins; all the rest being the Mauliks. The Mauliks again are divided into two classes; the Deys, the Dutts, the Kars, the Palits, the Sens, the Sinhas, the Dasses and the Guhas are of the first class, the rest (which number 72) being of the 2nd class, The Guhas of the Bangaja Kayasthas are Kulins. It is said that the Dattas not acknowledging the brahmanas as their masters and themselves as servants of the Brahmanas were not honoured as Kulins.

The Uttara Rarhis, the Dakshina Rarhis and the Bangajas may take food cooked by one another, but no marriage takes place between them.

There are very important social rules with regard to the Kulinism and marriage of Kayasthas. All the Ghoshes, the Basus, and the Mitras, should be called Kulins, but there are different order of the Kulins. The first three sons of a good Kulin should also be good Kulins; his fourth son would form another class called Madhyansa dvitiyapo; his fifth son, another called Kanisthya, and his sixth and the other sons would be called Bansaja. If any of the sons of a Kulin die unmarried, the next younger brother of the deceased would get his rank.

There is another rule which enforces the first marriage of the eldest son of a Kulin with any daughter of another Kulin of the same rank, or the Kula i.e. the integrity of the social position, will be destroyed. So again the daughter of a Maulik must be married to a son (not the eldest, of course,) of a Kulin, for a marriage between the son and the daughter of the Mauliks lowers both the families, so much so, that no other good Kayastha would ever marry in that family or even take their food.

The Kayasthas have, like the Brahmanas, Gotras of their own; the Gotras of the Ghoshes, the Basus and Mitras are Saukalina, Goutama and Visva Mitra respectively. [p. 20]

In the districts of Bankura, Beerdhoom, Burdwan and Midnapore, Kayasthas are very rare. There the Sadgopas are the chief of all the lower castes. They mostly depend upon agriculture.

Many castes, besides those before mentioned, have sprung up in course of time, by their intermixture, such as the Bagdi, the Poda, the Dule &c.

Another caste, more properly a religious sect, has sprung up since the time of Chaitanya, the caste people being known by the name of the Vaishnavas. Persons of all castes are permitted to become Vaishnavas among whom there is no distinction of castes. [p. 21]

Why Kulin System had to be started

From the above account, it becomes clear why the system started. It is noteworthy that Tagore, the author of above mentioned account, disposes off the shudras, the 85 percent population, labling them as of non-aryan origin and hence of no concern to him. The idea of this Kulin System was only to create the population who accepts the domination of Brahmins and observe strict caste rules. The brunt of ill effects of fall of Buddhism, here in Bengal, fell upon the forward castes. What this has led to can be seen by the accounts of struggle that was launched by the leaders of Bengal in the last century. Raja Ram Mohun Roy was busy with problem of Sati and could not devote much time for other reforms. It fell upon Ishwarchandra Vidyasagar to "struggle for abolition of polygamy". The English word polygamy, which is used to describe kulin system, does not give clear idea to the readers unacquainted with this kulin system, which is described below. Most of us are acquainted with 'harem' of kings. We also know among hindus in India, till 1956, there was no law against marrying any number of girls, unlike muslims, who could marry only four wives. But Kulin "polygamy" is something peculiar.

Struggle against Kulinism

Vidyasagar, being himself a kulin, was well conversant with the abuses of the kulin polygamy of Bengal, with increasing numbers of child widows and its attendant problems. Excerpts from a petition to the Company Government in 1855, make interesting reading. : [Benoy Ghose: 1965: 110 ff.]

"The Kulins marry solely for money and with no intention to fulfill any of the duties which marriage involves. The women, who are thus nominally married without the hope of ever enjoying the happiness which marriage is calculated to confer particularly on them, either pine away for want of objects on which to place the affections which spontaneously arise in the heart, or are betrayed by the violence of their passions and their defective education into immorality."

There is a vast literature in Bengal, called 'kulaji' or 'kulasastra' dealing with history and genealogy of Brahmins and other important castes. The kulaji of "Radhiya" Brahmins hold them descendants of five families brought in 8th or 9th century by an unidentified king Adisura. The kulaji of "Varendra" hold king Ballalsen (1158-79 A.D.) responsible for founding kulin system. Why this system started? We are told:

"... after the reign of the Pala kings of Bengal, who were patrons of Buddhism, a revival of Hinduism followed during the reign of Sena kings from the 12th century onwards. There was need for reorganizing the social structure of Hinduism based on the caste system, and some rigid rules were formulated to maintain the purity of the higher castes, particularly the Brahmins." [Benoy Ghose, Ibid. p.111]

This system, if it deserves such a term of 'system', led to hypergamy where bridegroom must be from a higher caste or subcaste resulting in surplus of unmarried girls. As sastras ordained that the daughters must be married off before puberty and pronounced curses on defaulters, one man married a large number of brides, who were never supported economically by the husband.

"... Thus marriage itself became a gainful occupation. Among the kulin Brahmins, even septuagenarians and octogenarians, with two or three dozens of wives, were considered good matches by the helpless parents of kulin Brahmin girls. A kind of marriage fees, ranging from Rs. 5/- to Rs. 500/- was usually charged by the kulin Brahmins for marrying a kulin girl. Even teenagers were married to dying octogenarian husbands. The old man's gain, before his death, was a few rupees." [Benoy Ghose, Ibid. p. 112]

Rashbehari Mukhopadhya, a leader of East Bengal, who worked against the system, wrote in 1881, about himself. He was compelled to marry in quick succession to eight girls for

'economic relief of family'. If he was wiling, he would have been forced to marry 'at least one hundred girls within a few years'. As he was unwilling, he was compelled to break away from joint family forcibly with a burden of loan. As a result of this, he had to marry six more girls 'to meet immediate economic needs.' [Benoy Ghose, Ibid. p.113 ff.]

A committee of leading Bengalis, was appointed by the British Lieutenant Governor of Bengal to study the problems of kulin system. Some of the observations of the committee were as follows.

Bridegroom extracts heavy consideration, in addition to usual gifts, from family of bride, at the time of marriage. On the occasion of any visit, presents are given, making marriage a lucrative profession. A kulin Brahmin having, say, thirty wives may find it immensely profitable to pay a monthly visit to each father-in-law's house and spend the whole year enjoying good food and presents, without doing anything for earning his livelihood. This system was making Brahmins a class of 'unproductive parasites'.

Marriage in old age and husband often never sees his wife, or at best visits her once in every three four years or so. As many as three or four marriages are known to have been contracted by one Brahmin on a single day. Sometimes, all the daughters and unmarried sisters are married to same Brahmin.

These married girls, and many who are compelled to remain unmarried, live a very miserable life. The result is the most heinous crimes like adultery, abortion, infanticide, and prostitution.

Cases are known of men marrying 82, 72, 65, 60, and 42 wives and having had 18, 32, 41, 25 and 32 sons and 26, 27, 25, 15 and 16 daughters.

The evils of Kulin system were briefly enumerated by the committee as follows:

"The practical deprivation of the indulgence of natural ties and desires in the female sex in a legitimate manner; the virtual, sometimes the actual, desertion of the wife by her natural and legal protector, the husband; the encouragement of the practice of celibacy amongst the female sex; the non- maintenance of the wife by the husband; the suppression or abandonment of the wife at the mere pleasure of the husband; the formation of the contract of the marriage for merely money considerations; the denial of nuptials except upon special monetary consideration given; the ruin, from a property point of view, of families; the contraction of the marriage tie avowedly without any intention even on the part of the husband of fulfilling any one of the duties of that tie; the binding down of the female sex to all the obligations of the marriage state, whilst yet withholding from that sex every one of the advantage of that state; prostitution; and, lastly, the encouragement of the actual crimes of adultery, abortion and infanticide, and of the habit and practice of the concealment of such crimes." [Benoy Ghose, Ibid. p.119]

In 1871 and 1873, Vidyasagar published two tracts, wherein he gave statistics of kulinism with long list of names giving the number of their wives with their ages.Some of the kulin Brahmins did not even know how many girls they had actually married. Some kept a diary with accounts of marriages and presents received at the time of marriage and further on each visit, being recorded. [Benoy Ghose, Ibid. p. 121 ff.]

Vidyasagar writes in first one of these two books:

"One of the root causes of our social disintegration is the prevalence of the custom of polygamy in the hindu society. It has been eroding the moral foundation of our society for centuries, and breeding many ills and vices. Thousands of married women are being daily thrown into the hell of untold sufferings for the continuity of this inhuman custom. It has let loose all conceivable vices and uprooted the moral anchors of society. It is encouraging all sorts of vices - adultery, debauchery, infanticide and prostitution. .." [Benoy Ghose, Ibid. p. 122]

Why Kulinism?

It must be remembered that all these sufferings were caused by the Brahmins to their own kith and kin, their own women folk, with only one intention, that is to keep the supremacy of their own caste, which was in danger due to Buddhist ideals in the society during the Buddhist kings' rule.

To understand the background of this system we have to go into the History of Bengal and its people. The following information is drawn mostly from Sarita Mukta Reprints vol. 9, p.117 ff. article by Vasant Chatterji - "bangal ke bangali kaun?" sarita July 1968 (II), 262

Vasant Chatterji very aptly remarks:

"Bengal, which now remains as only west Bengal, is a different from other states of India. It is different in many respects like history, casteism, religion, politics, education. What applies to rest of India about social and economic matters does not apply to Bengal. It has got its own separate situation."

Chatterji laments that the knowledge about Bengal is also limited. The popular ideas that Bengalis are "bhuka bangali" or they are "communists" are both wrong ideas. He feels, rather sarcastically, that those who can be called real Bengalis are hardly 30 to 40 lakhs in a total population of about 3.5 crores. As mentioned above, Tagore has disposed off 85% population in one line by calling them as non-Aryans and hence of no importance. According to Chatterjee, the majority of population consists of following groups:

Original inhabitants

1. Old 'mul nivasi' of Austrasiai or Austric origin, which go by the name of 'Kol' (Kolerian). They live in water logged areas and are experts in navigation and cultivation of rice and are brave and able to tolerate hardships.

Bengal was outside 'aryavrat' for about thousand years. The aryas going there used to be declared 'condemned' and 'depressed' (bhrashta and patit), and were excommunicated. During those centuries, Mongoloid migration occurred. They all intermixed with original inhabitants, were called as 'kirat' and 'monkhemr' etc., and ruled the country as a powerful non-aryan state for many dynasties.

Presumably, he is referring to kingdoms from the times of Lord Buddha, till the arrival of Brahminical culture to Bengal in the times of Samudragupta - a Buddhist period of history.

In fourth century, Bengal became part of a so called 'hindu' empire. The original inhabitants were now called 'kaivart'. It was an old tradition of Aryas to call any non aryan living near sea or river as 'daasha' or 'daasa' (mallaaha). It appears to be more of an abuse, as can be verified from Manu, who does not consider very highly of them.

This is the main caste of Bengal, and has majority population in villages. They are divided into two sub-castes - 'mazi kaivarta', who catch fish or ply boats and 'haali kaivarta', who do farming. A few families from them got some titles and got rich due to some political service rendered by them at some time in the history, and some were kings, sardars and jagirdars.

Some of them were, due to their power or prosperity, 'elevated' by the Brahmin priests to the 'honourable title' of 'nama shudra', meaning, 'shudra for name sake', and given lowest position in hindu society, or nearly made untouchables. In 1943 famine about 30 lakh people who died were mostly from these castes. Nobel laureate Amartya Sen, as is well known, talks of this famine, which was subject of his study.

Muslims

2. Second group is of Muslims. These were also of ancient 'kaivarta' castes. Upto ninth tenth century, here flourished the Buddhist kingdom of Palas. The ancestors of these muslims were Buddhists. But since middle of eleventh century, since Brahmin rule of Sena kings started, there was a period of tremendous atrocities committed against them for about a hundred years. As a result, when Muslims came, these people welcomed them whole heartedly and in a short time, all of them became Muslims. We all know that some brahmanical leaders like Veer Sawarkar, have blamed Buddhists for embracing Islam during this period.

This resulted ultimately in creation of East Pakistan, and now Bangala Desh. Even today Muslims in Bengal are called "Nede", meaning 'bald' because their forefathers were tonsured as Buddhists and were known as "Nede".

Sen dynasty was the first and the last Hindu kingdom, which fell to Bakhtiyar Khilaji, who had a cavalry of only 12 horsemen. How this happened could be the subject matter of another article.

Muslims in Bengal are treated as untouchables. Their condition became worse after Britishers came, because, originally they were dalits, and deprived of education.

Wangals

3. Third group is of Wangals, a name for all people of East Bengal. The separation of East Bengal from rest of Bengal is not because of Muslims, not because of partition of Bengal in 1905, and not because of Indo Pak partition of Bengal in 1947. The credit (?) goes to a valiant Hindu king Ballalsen, who was father of last flee away king Laxmansen.

Reestablishing Brahmin Supremacy

This king Ballalsen, was a learned person. After the fall of Buddhist kingdom of Palas, with an aim of establishing a Brahmin religion from a fresh start, Ballalasen took many new steps including oppression of Buddhists. He divided the country into four areas, with the purpose of establishing kulin system. These areas were

1. "Radha" i.e. western area, the present Vardhaman Division,
2. "Varendra" - Northern area,
3. "Vagadi" - forest lands around the sea in south, and
4. "Vangal" - Eastern Bengal.

The Brahmins in these areas are called Radhi, Varendra, Vangal etc.

Chatterji observes:

"It was the work of the same king, who created four types of Bengalis in Bengal. For this purpose, he did the same thing as every other Hindu king used to do after winning a new territory, to keep his own caste 'pure' or make it so. That is, he called from some famous Brahmin centres like Mithila, Kashi, Prayag or Kanauj a few Brahmin families and settled them in his kingdom, similar to the bull-studs of "Shiva", left by today's pious Hindu devotees to impregnate the cows. So that these people should do their 'work' properly and not interfere in one another's area of interest, he divided the country into four areas as above and settled in each one of them one batch of these 'pure' Brahmins, and relegated the work of increasing the population of 'Arya vamsha' in the three Hindu castes (perhaps meaning - Brahmin, Baidyas and Kayasthas ?). These people had been doing this work for about eight hundred years without any hindrance."

The famous Varendra families are Sanyal, Bagchi, Ghoshal, Mohotra etc. Among Radhis, five families are famous. They call themselves Kanyakubja, i.e. from Kanauj and are called after titles given by the Sena kings, as Upadhyaya Acharya etc. These names are now corrupted to Chatterji, Mukherji, Banarji, Ganguli and Bhattachari due to English pronunciation in British times.

Chaterji avers:

"As mentioned above, from the time of Sena rule, till the middle of 19th century, the main function of all these Brahmins have been to marry hundreds of girls and raise the progeny according to Manu Smruti. Ballalsen meant only this by 'kulin' system."

As is well known, to curb the Buddhist practice of becoming a bhikkhu and renounce the worldly affairs in young age, it is enjoined by the Brahmanic sastras that out of four ashramas, the grahasta ashram is the most important, and here one has to repay the four debts. One of them is to have a progeny, when man becomes free from the father's debt. But this Kulin system was quite different from method of repaying the 'father's debt'.

Child's caste was decided by the mother's caste. But some times, the progeny of so called low caste Brahmins also could get high caste because of wealth. Many Kayasthas became rich and adored themselves with 'yadnopavita'and became the 'dwijas' calling themselves as Kshatriyas. That way, the place of Kayasthas in Bengal's varna system is among the Shudras, as Chaterji says.

These hundreds of wives of Brahmins used to reside with their parents. Their husbands used to wander from place to place doing bhajan etc. and visit them may be once or twice a year. This was enough for procreation and propagation of race. Thus within a few generations, a vast corps of Brahmin progeny was created, which became the main support of Brahmin religion and became quite distinct from the original inhabitants of Bengal.

During Muslim rule, second work of these people was to prevent the widow remarriage and implement the 'sati' system rigorously. In north India, sati was limited to only royal families, but in Bengal, these Brahmins got it implemented cruelly. The reason was obvious. This strictness was necessary for the safety of husbands, as each of them had hundreds of wives. With the ban on widow remarriage and practice of sati, no dissatisfied wife could dare to poison the husband. No widow could save her property from the clutches of the Brahmins, because only Brahmin could condone the performance of sati. This condonation used to cost a lot.

Kayasthas always learnt language of the rulers. In Muslim rule they learnt their language, and became parts of state machinery. They earned so much money, that though in the eyes of Brahmins they were sudras, still they could employ Brahmins as their servants for worship etc. The Baidyas also followed Kayashthas and Brahmins. But the fact remains, which is well known that, in the brahmanic books of middle ages, a lot of abuse is showered over kayasthas as well as on baidyas.

Every Ambedkarite needs to know the history of these people, for two reasons. Firstly, the mechanisms of Brahmanic atrocities always affects the women and Shudras, and secondly, these were the people to whom we should be grateful for Ambedkar's entry in Constituent Assembly.

Everybody knows how Dr. Ambedkar was prevented from getting into the Constituent Assembly from Maharashtra and he had to go to Bengal and on the votes of these so called 'chandals', he entered the Constituent Assembly. As Ambedkarites, we have a lot of respect for these people because they, under the leadership of Jogendra Nath Mandal, were the people who got Dr. Ambedkar elected to Constituent Assembly. For this 'treacherous' act of theirs, we understand, their area was given to East Pakistan, as a punishment, though a non-Muslim area. We also like to understand more about this aspect. And a research into partition of Bengal needs to be undertaken, and is a subject matter for another paper.

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http://www.ambedkar.org/books/dob9.htm

he first recorded independent king of Bengal was Shashanka - reigning from 606 CE..

More concrete evidence of Bengal becoming an independent political entity is found in the 6th century, with the first recorded independent king of Bengal - Shashanka - reigning around 606.

The first Buddhist Pala king of Bengal, Gopala I came to power in 750 in Gaur by election. This event is recognized as one of the first democratic elections in South Asia since the time of the Maha Janapadas. The dynasty's most powerful kings, Dharmapala (reigned 775-810) and Devapala (reigned 810-850) united Bengal and made the Pala Empire the most powerful empire in 9th century India after expanding across much of the Indian subcontinent and parts of Afghanistan. Internecine strife during the reign of Narayanpala (reigned 854-908) and administrative excesses led to the decline of the dynasty.

A brief revival of the kingdom under Mahipala I (reigned 977-1027) ended in battle against the powerful, South Indian Chola kingdom. The rise of the Chandra dynasty in southern Bengal expedited the decline of the Palas, and the last Pala king, Madanpala, died in 1161.

The Malla dynasty emerged in Bengal in the seventh century, although they only rose to prominence in the 10th century under Jagat Malla who moved his capital to Vishnupur. Unlike the Buddhist Palas and Chandras, the Hindu Mallas worshipped first the Hindu god Shiva, then the Hindu god Vishnu. The Mallas built temples and spectacular religious monuments during their rule in Bengal.

Shashanka the first important king of ancient Bengal, occupies a prominent place in history of the region. It is generally believed that he ruled approximately between 600 AD and 625 AD, and two dated inscriptions, issued in his 8th and 10th regnal years from Midnapore, and another undated inscription from Egra near Kharagpur have been discovered. Besides Shashanka's subordinate king of Ganjam (Orissa) Madhavavarma's copper plate (dated 619 AD), Harshavardhana's Banskhera and Madhuvan copper plates and the Nidhanpur copper plate of the Kamarupa king Bhaskaravarmana contain information about Shashanka. Besides, Shashanka issued gold and silver coins. A number of independent rulers flourished in Bengal in the intervening period between the decline of Guptas and the rise of Shashanka, and their existence is known from a few inscriptions and gold coins. Besides the seal-matrix of Shri Mahasamanta Shashanka from Rohtasgarh and the contemporary literary accounts of Banabhatta and the Chinese pilgrim Xuanzang (also known as Hiuen Tsang) and the Buddhist text Aryamanjushrimulakalpa are important sources of information.

Shashanka has been described both in the inscriptions and literary accounts as the ruler of Gauda. In the narrower sense Gauda is the territory between the river Padma and Bardhaman region. But in course of time it embraced much wider area. In the Satpanchasaddeshavibhaga, the seventh patala of Book III, Shaktisangama Tantra Gauda is said to have extended from the vanga country up to Bhuvanesha (ie Bhubaneshwar in Orissa). It is not unlikely that the author had described the extension of Gauda country keeping in mind the kingdom of Shashanka, which also embraced a part of Orissa.

Pala Empire (8th to 11th cent. CE)

The Pala Empire was a dynasty in control of the northern and eastern Indian subcontinent, mainly the Bengal and Bihar regions, from the 8th to the 11th century. The name Pala means "protector" and was used as an ending to the names of all Pala monarchs.

The founder of the empire was Gopala. He was the first independent Buddhist king of Bengal and came to power in 750 in Gaur by democratic election, which was unique at the time. He reigned from 750-770 and consolidated his position by extending his control over all of Bengal. His successors Dharmapala (r. 770-810) and Devapala (r. 810-850) expanded the empire across the northern and eastern Indian subcontinent.

The Palas were followers of the Mahayana and Tantric schools of Buddhism. They often intermarried with the Gahadvalas of the Kannauj region. They created many temples and works of art and supported the Universities of Nalanda and Vikramashila. Their proselytism was at the origin of the establishment of Buddhism in Tibet.

Gopala (ruled 750 – 770 CE) was the founder of the Pala Dynasty of Bengal. The last morpheme of his name pala means "protector" and was used as an ending for the names of all the Pala monarchs. Pala does not suggest or indicate any ethnic or caste considerations of the Pala dynasty.

Gopala was the first independent Buddhist king of Bengal and came to power in 750 CE in Gauda by democratic election as per evidence furnished by Taranatha. After the death of famous Gauda ruler Sasanka, there ensued a century of anarchy and confusion in Bengal. Tired of ceaseless political chaos and anarchy (known as matsyanyaya), the various independent chieftains of Bengal, in 750 CE, selected a person named Gopala to put an end to this sorry state of affairs.[2] Gopala was already a leading military general and had made a mark as a great ruler. In the Khalimpur copper plate inscription (dated 32nd regnal year of Dharmapala) Gopala's father Vapyata is described as a noted military chief of his time and his grandfather Dayita Vishnu is described as a learned man of no military distinctions.

The Palas emerged as the champion of Buddhism, and they patronized Mahayana Buddhism. The Pala universities of Vikramashila and Nalanda became seats of learning for East Asia. The famous university of Nalanda reached its height during the Pala empire. The Palas were responsible for the spread of Mahayana Buddhism in Tibet, Nepal, Bhutan, Myanmar and the Indonesian archipelago, and the fame of Bengal spread in the Buddhist world for the cultivation of Buddhist religion, culture and other knowledge in the various centres that grew under the patronage of the Pala rulers. Buddhist scholars from the Pala empire travelled from Bengal to the Far-East and propagated Buddhism. A few outstanding ones among them are Shantarakshit, Padmanava, Dansree, Bimalamitra, Jinamitra, Muktimitra, Sugatasree, Dansheel, Sambhogabajra, Virachan, Manjughosh and many others. But the most prominent was Atish Dipankar Srigyan who reformed Buddhism in Tibet after it had been destroyed by king Langdharma.

Sena Dynasty (11th-13th cent. CE)

The Sena dynasty ruled Bengal through the 11th to 13th centuries. They were called Brahma-Kshatriyas and Karnata-Kshatriyas.

The dynasty's founder was Hemanta Sen, who was part of the Pala Dynasty until their empire began to weaken. He took power and styled himself king in 1095 AD. His successor Vijay Sen (ruled from 1096 AD to 1159 AD) helped lay the foundations of the dynasty, and had an unusually long reign of over 60 years. Ballal Sena conquered Gour from the Pala and expanded his empire. Lakshman Sen succeeded Ballal Sen in 1179 and ruled Bengal from Nabadwip for approximately 20 years.

http://www.bengalgenocide.com/history02.php

Caste System in Bengal

See also this web page for a different discussion of the caste system in bengal and the associated myths. A somewhat different perspective is also available as part of a book description.

Even though formally there are four castes in hinduism: brahmins, ksatriyas, vaishyas and shudras, the social reality is very different in different parts of India. The social rules enjoined by the religions also differ in different regions. In Bengal, much of the development of the first distinct bengali hinduism took place during the rule of the sena and barman kings: and is described in the writings of bhavadeva, aniruddhabhaTTa, vallAlasena, lakSmaNasena, guNaviSNu, halAYudha etc, as well as in the bRhaddharma and brahmavaivarta purANas. To a large extent, they codified, formalized and made immutable some of the existing social structure, as well as making it very much more rigid. In fact according to traditional stories, which however are not history, brahmins originated in bengal during this time.

The society described therein does not contain (though they still appear in origin myths) any kSatriYas or vaishyas except when some of the rulers are referred to as kSatriYas and today most of the people who call themselves kSatriYas have variations of varman or malla as their surname; and some jewellers claim descent from the vaishyas. The brahmins were divided geographically into rADh.I and bArendrI with a variety of village associations, but according to aniruddha had forgotten their vedic tradition. The rADH.Is are divided into kulInas and vaMshajas, and the Barendras into kulInas and Kaps. The Kulins are organized into 56 villages and 36 mels and thAks like phUle, vallabhI, khardA and sarvAnandI. In addition, there were vaidika brahmins who came (according to tradition, duringshyAmalavarmA's rule) from the north (including sarasvati region) and south (including utkala) India, who acccording to halAYudha were the only brahmins who knew the vedic tradition. They are organized as a pAshcAtya and a dakSiNAtya group. Mention is also found of brahmins from shAkadvIpa (who, according to tradition, came during shashAGka's rule and were called grahavipra; the latter, according to brahmavaivarta purANa, however, are children of devalas, who are true shAkadvIpI brahmins, and vaishya women) who were not respected in society. A subcaste of them called agradAni used to perform shrAddha ceremony for the shudras. Also found is another group of brahmins not respected in society: the bhaTTa brahmins, presumably related to the Bhattacharyas.

According to the rules developed in this period, the respected or shrotriya brahmins could not perform priestly duties for anyone other than the 20 high shudra subcastes. (According to vRhaddharma purANa, these shUdra subcastes arose from mixture of castes forced by king veNa; the upper subcastes had parents belonging to unmixed caste, the middle ones had fathers of unmixed caste, and the lowest had both parents of mixed caste.) Those that violate the rule get the subcaste of that person and thus we find, in addition, varNa brahmins who could not even serve water to the true brahmins. In additions, certain occupations like teaching shudras, doing priestly duties for them, practicing medicine or astrology, or performing painting or other artistic activities, were forbidden; though certain others like farming and fighting, or working as a minister, go-between, religious leader or general were all allowed.

The non-brahmins in Bengal were almost all classified as formally 36, but actually 41, subcastes of shudras and came in three categories. The exact enumeration varies somewhat, but the list in vRhaddharma purANa is presented here as an example. The top subcaste (from whom the brahmins can drink water, and for whom they can be priests) consist of record keepers (karaNa or kAYastha; karaNa seems to become less prevalent with time, kAYastha more, though there are exceptions), doctors and medicine makers (ambaSTha or vaidya; doctors in the early part are being described as karaNa; in south India some doctors were also brahmins; in bihara, one can also find the ambaSTha kAYastha caste, said to be descendants of citragupta and zobhAvatI; in bengal, ambaSThas seem to merge into vaidyas), fighters (ugra), envoys and messengers (mAgadha), weavers (tantuvAYa), scent traders (gAndhikavaNika), barbers (nApita), writers (gopa), ironsmiths (karmakAra), betelnut traders (taulika), potters (kumbhakAra), brass smiths (kaMsakAra), conch smiths (shaGkhika), farmers (dAsa), betelleaf farmers (vArujIvI), sweetmeat makers (modaka), florists (mAlAkAra), praise singers (sUta), rAjaputra, and betelleaf traders (tAmbulI). Some of these people, the kAYastha/vaidyas (these terms have taken much broader meanings) often call themselves (in accord with their origin myths as found in, for example, brahmavaivarta purANa) kSatriyas or vaizyas, and some of their origin myths are closely tied to those of the brahmins. Manu also provides origin myths for many of these as arising out of violation of caste rules: thus ambaSThas of brAhmaNa father and vaizya mother (two degrees apart is not considered proper), karaNas of some kSatriYas who had given up his duties. As a result, some of them consider themselves vaidya-brahmins (and use both the vaizya indicator gupta and brAhmaNa indicator sharmA), and like the non-shudra castes in ancient texts have limited rights to the veda and sacred thread ceremony.

The Kayasthas divide themseves into the uttararADh.Is, the dakSINarADh.Is, and the vaMgajas. The dakSINarADh.Is include the kulIna ghoSa, basus, and the mitras and the maulikas who divide themselves as the upper dey, datta, kar, pAlit, sena, siMha, dAsa, and gUha, and the lower seventytwo. Among the vaMgajas the gUha are the only kulInas.

The middle subcaste consisted of engravers (takSaNa), washermen (rajaka), goldsmiths (svarNakAra), gold traders (svarNavaNika), milkmen and cowherds (AbhIra), oil traders (tailakAraka), fish traders (dhIvara), alcohol traders (shauNDika), actors and magicians (naTa), descendants of buddhist leaders(?,shekhara), fishermen (jAlika; possibly, buffalo keepers arose from these later) and another unidentifiable category (shAbAka). The lowest subcaste (who are untouchables) consist of cleaners (malegrahi), those that cremate the dead (cANDAla), carpenters (takSa), leatherworker (carmakAra), boatmen (ghaTTajIvi), chairbearers (dolAvAhI), wrestlers (malla) and two unidentified groups (varuD.a and kuD.ava). In addition are desribed the mleccha or foreign groups like pukkasha, pulinda, khasa, thara, kamboja, yavana, sumha, shavara etc, who were left outside the entire classification. In contrast, brahmavaivarta purANa mentions the top subcaste exemplified by gopa, nApita, bhilla, modaka, kuvara, tAmbuli, svarNakAra (later demoted), and vaNika; followed by karaNa and ambaSTha. Then of the nine sons of vishvakarmA by a shUdra: mAlAkAra, karmahAra, shaGkhakAra, kuvindaka, kumbhakAra, and kaMsakAra are explained as being high, and sUtradhara and citrakara are also demoted. suvarNavaNika is also demoted because of association with svarNakAra. After this there is a long list of fallen subcastes including aTTAlikAkAra, koTaka, tIvara, tailakAra, leTa, malla, carmakAra, shuNDI, pauNDraka, mAMsaccheda, rAjaputra, kaivarta, rajaka, kauYAlI, gaGgAputra, and yuGgI. The really low subcastes included vyAdha, bhaD.a, kola, koJca, haDDi, Doma, jolA, vAgatAta, vyAlagrAhI, and cANDAla. Traditional stories try to explain the bizarre patterns with mythological stories: thus the goldsmiths claimed they were vaishyas who were insulted by vallAlasena who invited and placed them with the satshUdras at dinner, and who, furthermore borrowed a lot of money by force. When they tried to revolt against him, he lowered their status; and he further disallowed wearing of the sacred thread by traders. Overall, however, the low position of the artisan class fit well with the agrarian turn at the beginning of the pala period.

The rules developed in this period prescribe strict limits on brahmins intermixing with the rest of the society. Some examples can be provided. They were not allowed to eat food cooked by shudras, except for fried items, rice cooked in milk and in time of distress. However they could not drink even water touched by the untouchables, neither could they be touched by untouchables. Elaborate rituals were needed to clean oneself of violations of these rules. Similarly, even though intermarriage between upper caste men and lower caste women was allowed, the normal rule was marriage within ones own caste. Rules made it clear that a wife of a lower caste had less rights than one of the same caste. Marriage rules for brahmins, and possibly upper category of shudras, had to follow the endogamy/exogamy rules of sapiNDa (exogamy for parts of an extended family), sagotra (exogamy for a group of paternally inherited markers called gotra) and samanapravara (exogamy outside related gotras). Marriage was also forbidden if it took place according to high ceremony and any of the seven male ancestors along the father's line and five along the mother's line coincided. Low marriage ceremony only required exclusion for five and three generations, but pushed one to the shudra caste. Even the kAyAstha kulIna rules are complicated today: the first three sons who married had to obey rules to stay in the caste, whereas the fourth (madhyAMsha dvItIya), fifth (kaniSThya), and the younger (vaMshaja) ones had laxer rules, as they were not considered as high in caste status: they traditionally married elder maulikas.

Note that this does not imply that the society, either before or during the sena period, was very spartan or puritanical in the modern sense of the word. vAtsAyana's kAmasUtra (3rd/4th cent AD), as well as kalhaNa's rAjataraGgini (describing 8th cent AD puNDra), decribes the dancers who attracted the young men. bhaTTa bhavadeva's writings, sandhyAkara nandI's rAmacarita and poet dhoYi's pavanadUta sings praises of the beauty of the city and temple prostitutes, thus providing supporting contemporary and internal evidence. Though brahmins marrying shudra women was looked down upon, extra-marital relationship between them was overlooked. During the 10th day of durga puja, during the shAradotsava festival, men and women with mud and leaves only on their body used to sing and dance to primal images; as descirbed in the contemporary kAlviveka and slightly later kAlikApurANa. bRhaddharmapurANa seems to speak against it, unless the participants were followers of shakti. Similar festivals during holaka=holI and kAma-mahotsava are also known. Poetry (e.g. govardhana's ArYa satashatI, jaYadeva etc.) also desribe physical love. Descriptions of fine clothes, gold, silver and pearl ornaments, palacial houses and temples also abound. The village society, however, often shunned many of these behaviour and considered them shameful as is clear from descriptions in saduktikarNamRta.

Though we can clearly see this in Bengal even today, a lot of this varies as we move across the different districts of Bengal. For example, the kAYasthas who were the top of the non-brAhmin hierarchy, are rate in places like rural bÃkurA, vIrabhUma, varddhamAna, and medinIpUra, where the farming sadgopas are at the top of the hierarchy. The advent of vaishnavism in the middle ages also led essentially to a new caste, which was to be reviled by the traditional society.

Up to the ancient period in the history of Bengal

http://tanmoy.tripod.com/bengal/caste.html

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United Front Politics:  Pramode Dasgupta Lecture: 13/07/2010, Kolkata

New From LeftWord

Justice Sachar Committee Report Findings

 CPI(M)'s Charter for Advancement of Muslim Communiy

PREAMBLE

The 138 million (13.8 crore) Muslims in India are intrinsic to the multi-cultural, multi-lingual and multi-religious mosaic that is India. Secular democracy, under the Constitution, provides equal opportunities and fundamental rights for all irrespective of race, religion or creed as citizens of the country. A democratic system is evaluated by how it treats its minorities – whether religious, ethnic or linguistic. For fostering national unity, for strengthening democracy and secularism, it is essential that the Muslim minority, who constitute 13.4 per cent of the population, are provided equal opportunities to access the benefits of development and the fundamental rights given in the Constitution.

The Justice Rajinder Sachar Committee report has highlighted the deplorable socio-economic plight of the mass of the Muslim community. It has served to highlight the urgent need to adopt special measures for the upliftment in their social and economic conditions. It has also effectively rebutted the false and motivated propaganda about "minority appeasement".

In the light of the Sachar Committee report, the Central government must frame a concrete programme backed with adequate financial allocations to address the discrimination faced by minority communities, in particular the Muslim minority community in the economic, social and educational sphere. It is essential to immediately identify Muslim areas and conduct concrete surveys, so that the assistance can be concretized. This exercise must be done in a time-bound framework.

1.  Development

i) The government must formulate a sub-plan for the Muslim community on the lines of the tribal sub-plan.  There has to be a specific budgetary allocation in all development schemes for Muslims proportionate to their population at the all-India level.  Under a special component plan, allocation may be made in the states proportionate to the percentage of Muslims in that state.

ii) The implementation of existing schemes for minority welfare must be strictly monitored. Increased financial allocations to institutions such as Maulana Azad Foundation, NMDFC, Wakf Council etc. should be ensured to strengthen and expand the schemes.

iii) Effective steps for protection of Wakf properties and proper utilization of these properties for the welfare, educational and social development of the community.

iv) In Muslim populated villages and municipal wards, it is found that often there are neither ICDS nor primary health centers. These must be ensured.

v) Special schemes to ensure housing for poorer sections of the community must be ensured.

2.  Employment and Income generation

i) Provide reservations for dalit Muslims.

ii) In the important field of employment, it is necessary for OBC Muslims to get an adequate share of the reserved quota for OBCs. At present, even though they are listed in a large number of states as OBCs, they have hardly benefited through the OBC quota. Access to OBC certificates must be simplified. Where Muslim OBCs have not been listed, such an exercise must be completed in a time-bound manner. A monitoring mechanism can be set up in different states to check the progress on this front.

iii) In recruitments for state and Central security forces, Muslims must get adequate representation.

iv) Adequate number must be empanelled in all recruitment boards of selection committees.

v) Since large numbers of the Muslim community, including Muslim women,  are engaged in traditional work as artisans and self-employed, it is essential to make easy credit available to them. Smooth flow of credit from financial institutions, banks and various corporations for self-employment, micro-enterprises and small and medium scale industries must be ensured. The 15 per cent allocation for minorities from priority sector bank loans assured by the Prime Minister must be implemented.

vi) It is found that Muslim women have not had adequate opportunities in the self-help group sector. Attention must be paid to form women's self-help groups among Muslims with bank linkages.

vii) Large scale skill development programmes to upgrade traditional skills must be organized by government for the community with special programmes for Muslim women. Special emphasis must be placed on trades traditionally undertaken by minority groups.

viii) In land reform programmes, in allocation of plots in residential and industrial areas, shops, stalls, petrol/gas dealerships, opportunities for Muslims should be ensured.

3.  Education

i)  Schools, including residential schools imparting modern education for both girls and boys must be built in all districts and blocks with sizable Muslim population. Muslim girls' hostels must be constructed to facilitate education among girls.

ii) Incentives for women's and girl's education must be given. Increase in the number of hostels including hostels for Muslim girls.

iii) There must be a substantial increase in increase in stipends and scholarships on means cum merit basis.

iv) Recruitment of Urdu-speaking teachers and filling up of vacancies of Urdu teaching posts in schools. Urdu must be available as an optional subject in all government and government-aided schools in areas with substantial Urdu-speaking population. Good quality textbooks in Urdu must be provided.

v) Efforts should be made to introduce and encourage scientific and job oriented education in Madarsas. In some states like West Bengal, general syllabus is also taught in Madarsas and certificates and degrees awarded by Madarsas are recognized. This enables easy migration from Madarsas to general education institutions. This model may be tried in other states also.

vi) Special programmes should be undertaken to establish vocational training institutes, polytechnics and colleges in Muslim-dominated areas.

4. Security

i) Justice to communal violence victims must be ensured. Adequate compensation to all victims including victims of the Gujarat genocide in line with that of the 1984 victims.

ii) All perpetrators of communal violence must be immediately brought to book within a time-bound framework, regardless of their public or official position.

iii) Recommendations of the Sri Krishna Commission on the Mumbai violence which indicted top politicians, police and government officers to be implemented.

iv) Government must end delay and immediately institute time-bound CBI investigations into the Gujarat genocide related cases, whose victims are still denied justice.

March 05, 2007

 

 

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Left lost Bengal due to its arrogance: Bardhan IBNLive.com Change or you are out: Bardhan to Left leaders Hindustan Times all 11 news articles » हिंदी में Email this story The Hindu Bhuddhadeb to skip CPI-M politburo meeting  Mangalorean.com - ‎3 hours ago‎ Kolkata, May 15 (IANS) Caretaker West Bengal Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee will skip the Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M) politburo meeting in New Delhi Monday. Video: The man who beat Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee for the first time in 24 yearsNDTV.com Left leadership in West Bengal in crisisIBNLive.com Hindustan Times - Times of India -Deccan Herald - Economic Times all 123 news articles » हिंदी में Email this story The Hindu EC halts 'money machine' during elections  Deccan Herald - ‎37 minutes ago‎ The poll panel, acting on specific tip-off during elections, seized over Rs 74 crore from poll-bound Assam, Kerala, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal. While no unaccounted money trail was detected in Puducherry, Rs 8.35 crore was seized by the Election ... Video: Verdict in favour of change, stability: Pranab Mukherjee NDTV.com West Bengal, Assam election results Sify Financial Express - Indian NewsLink -Chandigarh Tribune - Indian Express all 278 news articles » हिंदी में Email this story 'Low farm growth, unemployment led to Left rout'  IBNLive.com - ‎9 hours ago‎ Kolkata: Poor agricultural growth, rising unemployment, delayed industrialisation efforts and inadequate investment in infrastructure led to economic decline of West Bengal, which in turn caused the downfall of the Left Front in the assembly elections, ... The Hindu Asim's exit in Bengal may hold up GST  mydigitalfc.com - Seth Sharma -‎2 hours ago‎ Uncertainty seems to bog introduction of unified levy, Goods and Services Tax (GST), owing to debacle of Left Front in West Bengal Assembly election and defeat of its finance minister Asim Dasgupta. Election results 2011: GST rollout may face hiccups after Asim Dasgupta's defeatEconomic Times Basu hopes absence of Asim Dasgupta won't impact GST talks Moneycontrol.com domain-B - Financial Express -Calcutta Telegraph all 15 news articles » Email this story West Bengal poll result a tribute to democracy  Express Buzz - ‎22 hours ago‎ The impregnable Left fortress in West Bengal has crumbled. Mamata Banerjee's TMC has won by a landslide. Indian democracy has been criticised for a variety of reasons. TMC plans to launch united movement against LF govt in Tripura  IBNLive.com - ‎8 hours ago‎ PTI | 03:05 PM,May 15,2011 Agartala, May 15 (PTI) Trinamool Congress, which just ended 34 years long Left rule in West Bengal, now has set its sight on Tripura, another state ruled by the communists for the last 18 years.Convener of Tripura unit of ... Political greenhorns emerge giant killers in Bengal Sify Trinamool Congress' Tollywood team a poll superhitEconomic Times Deccan Herald all 16 news articles » हिंदी में Email this story The Hindu A radical innovator makes a quiet exit  Livemint - ‎10 minutes ago‎ On the day West Bengal overwhelmingly voted the Left out of power after 34 years, Badal Sircar, the best-known innovator and radical of Indian theatre, made a quiet exit. Badal Sircar's death leaves void in contemporary Indian theatre The Hindu Exit stage left Times of India all 26 news articles » Email this story International Business Times Column: Remembering the bloody red of West Bengal's past International Business Times -Saurav Sen - ‎7 hours ago‎ As the watershed Assembly elections in West Bengal reaches its culmination with the swearing in of Trinamool Congress leader Mamata Banerjee, I am still in denial. Sify Another local CPI(M) leader lynched by mob in WB  MSN India - ‎2 hours ago‎ Bankura/Midnapore (WB), May 15 (PTI) In another case of post poll violence in West Bengal, a local CPI(M) leader was lynched and a party worker beaten up by villagers in Bankura district today. CPI-M leader killed in Bengal clash North India Times all 12 news articles » हिंदी में Email this story BBC News Pune welcomes poll results in Tamil Nadu, West Bengal  Daily News & Analysis -Manasi Joshi-Saraf - ‎May 14, 2011‎ By Manasi Joshi-Saraf & Archana Dahiwal | Place: Mumbai | Agency: DNA A section of Tamilians and Bengalis based in the city have welcomed the results of elections to legislative assemblies in Tamil Nadu andWest Bengal. While talking to DNA, ... Video: Sonia Gandhi's tea diplomacyNewsX View: A vote against corruption Rediff Times of India - Chandigarh Tribune -Tehelka - Daily Bhaskar all 882 news articles » Email this story Bengal Cong chief: End of Communism in India  Indian Express - ‎16 hours ago‎ Calling the fall of Communist in West Bengal as the "fall of the great Roman Empire", West Bengal Pradesh Congress chief Manas Bhunia said that Communism in India has reached its end point, like in other countries. West Bengal's communists built up a political dynasty in India, says CNN's ... CNN International all 4 news articles » हिंदी में Email this story Moneycontrol.com All eyes on Congress as new regimes take charge  Livemint - ‎10 minutes ago‎ All eyes are on West Bengal and Kerala. In the eastern state, there is a strong likelihood that the Congress would join the cabinet headed by Trinamool Congress (TMC) chief Mamata Banerjee. Poll results won t have big impact on market Sampriti Cap Moneycontrol.com all 4 news articles » Email this story Moneycontrol.com Petrol prices hike after polls a political decision: Left  Hindustan Times - ‎2 hours ago‎ PTI West Bengal's Left Front on Sunday said that the Centre was waiting for the assembly elections in five states to end before announcing the rise in petrol prices and warned that prices of diesel, LPG and kerosene would also be hiked soon. Video: EGOM meet to decide on raising diesel, LPG prices NewsX EGOM meet to decide on raising diesel, LPG prices next week IBNLive.com Moneycontrol.com all 52 news articles » हिंदी में Email this story Rediff Good that people have given 'job' to my son, quips Pranab  Mangalorean.com - ‎9 hours ago‎ Kolkata, May 15 (IANS) Happy at his son Abhijit Mukherjee's victory in the West Bengal assembly polls, union Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee Sunday said it was good that the people have given him a "job" as he had taken voluntary retirement to... Left not a spent force, says Pranab Mukherjee Express Buzz Opening moves Sify all 11 news articles » हिंदी में Email this story Pranab Mukherjee commands Congress MLAs to attend assembly sessions  Daily News & Analysis - ‎6 hours ago‎ Place: Kolkata | Agency: PTI Senior Congress leader Pranab Mukherjee today ordered the newly-elected Congress MLAs in West Bengal to be present in the assembly during its sessions and be part of the proceedings. A parliamentarian of long standing, ... Indian Express Naxal arrests: Police scanner on labourers  Indian Express - ‎20 hours ago‎ The police also questioned 48 labourers fromWest Bengal. The cops have asked house owners in the region to submit details of tenants to the police station within a week. Naxal arrests from Pune: Maha ATS surprised by the number Hindustan Times Maha ATS arrests 10 Maoists from PuneIBNLive.com The Hindu - Daily News & Analysis -Mumbai Mirror - Sify all 30 news articles » Mamata Banerjee Telegraph.co.uk Mamata meets Sonia today on government formation  Business Standard - ‎7 minutes ago‎ The Trinamool Congress legislative party today expectedly elected Mamata Banerjeeas its leader here today. Late evening,Banerjee flew down to New Delhi to hold parleys with Congress President Sonia Gandhi and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. Video: Congress set to join Mamata in West Bengal NewsX Didi prefers small cabinet, may retain key posts Deccan Herald The Hindu - iNewsOne - India Today - Sify all 1,938 news articles » हिंदी में Email this story Moneycontrol.com All eyes on Congress as new regimes take charge  Livemint - ‎13 minutes ago‎ In the eastern state, there is a strong likelihood that the Congress would join the cabinet headed by Trinamool Congress (TMC) chief Mamata Banerjee. In Kerala, the slender victory margin and the heavy dependence of the Congress on two of its key... Poll results won t have big impact on market Sampriti Cap Moneycontrol.com Election Results Summary: Jaya and MamataSet for Huge Wins News Locale NowPublic all 4 news articles » Email this story An open letter to Mamata Banerjee  Times of India - ‎19 hours ago‎ You appealed to the people of Bengal to usher in poriborton. They have responded on a scale that tells us all how desperately they desired a change. The Hindu Tata arrives in Kolkata today  Business Standard - Ishita Ayan Dutt -‎31 minutes ago‎ He will again be here tomorrow, just ahead ofMamata Banerjee's swearing-in ceremony, albeit to 'soft-launch' a smaller project, the cancer hospital at the suburb of Rajarhat. With Left's downfall, Singur has the last laughTimes of India Land-losers begin to dream again in SingurEconomic Times Calcutta Telegraph all 9 news articles » हिंदी में Email this story Calcutta Telegraph Be our MLA: Nandi to Didi  Calcutta Telegraph - Anshuman Phadikar -‎21 hours ago‎ Nandigram, May 14: While campaigning in Nandigram last month, Mamata Banerjeehad said she would make the place her address if she got the opportunity. Singur: villagers pull down wall, enter Tata factory site Indian Express Development without displacement a test for Didi Hindustan Times IBNLive.com all 12 news articles » हिंदी में Email this story The Independent (blog) Mamata security review begins Indian Express - ‎16 hours ago‎ KOLKATA: The Bengal police brass has begun reviewing security for Mamata Banerjee, the Chief Minister-in-waiting, with sources saying she has indicated that she does not want officers who had been close to her predecessor Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee around ... Video: Verdict in favour of change, stability: Pranab Mukherjee NDTV.com Anti-incumbency wave hits Indian StatesIndian NewsLink Sify - Livemint - Chandigarh Tribune -IBNLive.com all 324 news articles » हिंदी में Email this story Calcutta Telegraph 'CM-in-waiting still the girl next door'  Times of India - Mohua Chatterjee -‎19 hours ago‎ KOLKATA: The pilgrimage' at 30B Harish Chatterjee Street continued to draw devotees on Saturday, as the awe-inspiring victory ofMamata Banerjee started to sink in. ButMamata, the one-woman demolition squad who razed the 34-year red fortress, ... Left-free day for neighbours Calcutta Telegraph Column : From rabble-rouser to giant killerFinancial Express all 4 news articles » हिंदी में Email this story Zee News Bengal has high expectations from Trinamool government  Financial Express - Ronojoy Banerjee -‎2 hours ago‎ Mamata Banerjee held informal meetings with some of her party colleagues on Saturday to chart the road ahead and put into execution some of the plans highlighted in the TMC manifesto. TMC plans to launch united movement against LF govt in Tripura IBNLive.com National leader from the East arrives Deccan Herald Economic Times - Zee News all 16 news articles » हिंदी में Email this story Calcutta Telegraph Prisoner release plea beforeMamata  Calcutta Telegraph - Biswajit Roy -‎20 hours ago‎ Calcutta, May 14: Mamata Banerjee is facing demands to do a Jyoti Basu and start her term as chief minister with the release of political prisoners, including suspected Maoists, but her party is non-committal. Reaping the change  Times of India - Ronojoy Sen - ‎31 minutes ago‎ But the unthinkable has been single-handedly made possible by Mamata Banerjee. In the run-up to the polls, Mamata was the face of Trinamool's felicitous slogan - 'poriborton' or change - that so charged up Bengal. Somnath congratulates Mamata on her party''s victory  IBNLive.com - ‎53 minutes ago‎ PTI | 11:05 PM,May 15,2011 Kolkata, May 15 (PTI) Former Lok Sabha Speaker Somnath Chatterjee today wrote to Trinamool Congress chief Mamata Banerjee congratulating her on the party''s resounding victory in the West Bengal Assembly elections. Prize for Red-turned-green  Calcutta Telegraph - ‎21 hours ago‎ Calcutta, May 14: Talent and expertise will count whenMamata Banerjee picks her ministers, but so will the need to have "regional representation". Bengal: Industrial evolution?  Hindustan Times - ‎14 hours ago‎ It may seem odd, but Mamata Banerjee won't have a tough time selling industrialisation to the people of Bengal. What she is likely to find difficult - notwithstanding Trinamool leader and probable state finance minister Amit Mitra picking up the phone ... In Modi & Mamata age, state still lacks Maximum Leader  Times of India - ‎21 hours ago‎ MUMBAI: Firebrand leader Mamata Banerjeesinglehandedly stormed into West Bengal, Jayalalithaa took Tamil Nadu and Tarun Gogoi won Assam, while the BJP's Narendra Modi, Shivraj Singh Chauhan and Raman Singh have established themselves as rulers of ... Independence Day  Times of India - ‎31 minutes ago‎ Ending 34 years of uninterrupted Left Front rule, Mamata Banerjee described her party's historic win in West Bengal as a 'second independence day'. Writers' facelift for new CM  Times of India - ‎19 hours ago‎ Even before Mamata Banerjee could step into her new office, officials got cracking. Chief secretary Samar Ghosh said that the swearing-in date hadn't been decided yet, but Writers' Buildings got into action barely 24 hours after the Trinamool Congress ... Quiet Writers' Buildings await arrival of new entrant Business Standard all 3 news articles » Email this story India Today Left behind on the shelf  Hindustan Times - ‎1 hour ago‎ But the Trinamool Congress' Mamata Banerjee's chappal revolution is a different case altogether. The commissars at AKG Bhawan must ponder how and where they have gone so wrong. Last Train to Calcuttagrad India Today Polls 2011: It's the arithmetic, stupid Daily News & Analysis Khaleej Times - Daily Pioneer - IBNLive.com -Wall Street Journal (blog) -Wikipedia: Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee all 18 news articles » हिंदी में Email this story Daily Bhaskar Is Mamata MF Husain's new muse?  Hindustan Times - ‎May 14, 2011‎ Depicting her as "essence of Indian womanhood", Doha-based Indian artist MF Husain has sketched Trinamool Congress chief and soon to be chief minister Mamata Banerjee in a black-and-white graffiti for Hindustan Times. style of figurative drawing,... Mamata in Delhi to invite PM, Sonia for swearing-in MSN India Guess who's M.F. Husain's new muse?Mamata Banerjee! Sify all 13 news articles » Email this story Calcutta Telegraph Singur hopes to get back 400 acres  Calcutta Telegraph - Uttam Dutta -‎21 hours ago‎ Singur, May 14: Manasi Manna of Singur hopes that Mamata Banerjee will return her one-acre plot, which had been acquired for the Nano project, after taking charge as chief minister. Kolkata: the rising new faces of TMC  IBNLive.com - ‎17 hours ago‎ Kolkata: Trinamool Congress (TMC) chief Mamata Banerjee's choice of candidates has stood out from those of the Left Front. Featured video Congress set to join Mamata in West Bengal NewsX all 1,938 news articles » Images Deccan Herald Moneycontrol.co... Deccan Herald Khaleej Times The Hindu Calcutta Telegr... The Independent... Calcutta Telegr... Calcutta Telegr... All related images » Email this story Featured video Sonia Gandhi's tea diplomacy NewsX all 882 news articles » Images The Hindu India Today Calcutta Telegr... Sify The Hindu Chandigarh Trib... 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