Govt looks to institutions to bail out PSU share sales!Government denies any cut in funds for UID project!
Indian Holocaust My Father`s Life and Time - Four Hundred Eighteen
Palash Biswas
http://indianholocaustmyfatherslifeandtime.blogspot.com/
Govt looks to institutions to bail out PSU share sales!Government denies any cut in funds for UID project!
I have been speaking and writing continuously on the Dare devil Alchemists of Mass Destruction and Ethnic cleansing!Free Market Democracy sponsored by United States of America ensured the Assasination of Indian Republic and its Constitution to establishe Sovereignity of the Market which means the Sovereignity of the Plastic Money and the Killer Money Machine owned and Controlled by the Market dominating Community, BRAHAMINS who Control every thing significant in every sphere of life in this divided bleeding Holocaust Geopolitics of Constant War and Monopolistic Aggression since the Zionsist Foreigner Brahamins Captured this land eliminating the Aboriginal and Indigenous Communities and enslaving them in a process called UNIFICATION which is nothing but Demographic and genome adjustment thanks to Manusmriti, Caste system, Nuclear Deal, Armament, Defence Deal, Blind Nationalism rooted in Hindu Rashtra theory and Global Hindutva, Strategic Realliance in US Israel lead, Maoist Menace Corporate Friend, AFPSA, Alienation and Exclusion, Co Option and Corruption, Swiss Bank Account, Hate Campaign, Demonisation, Mind Control, IT and Spectrum, Global manusmriti Apartheid Zionsist Order, Zionsist Dynasty, Casteology, False Ideologies, Reality Shows in the Legislature, India Incs Governance Executed by Super Slaves and Extra Constitutional Elements. I have been warning my people about the Hidden Agenda of Economic Ethnic Cleansing based on Citizenship Amendment Act, Unique Identity Number and Disinvestment as LPG mafia has killed all Constitutional safeguards for the Sc, St, Obc and Converted Minorities and RED SHAFFRON Hindutva plays the most betraying Farce along with the neuter Gender Transsexual Ambedkarites sharing Power with Brahamins as so called Opposition, Trade Union Mvement, Insurrections False as in nandigram and singur, Navi Mumbai and Kalingnagar and so on. Media, Intelligentsia, NGOs, Political Parties, Educated Neo Ruling Class of Non Brahmin In Laws, Shudras assuming themselves as Caste Hindu.
I have been warned you of the Sustained Corporate campaign of Ejection and rejection redefined as Unique Identity Number Project which targets to deprive SEVEN Hundred Million Refugees, Slum dwellers, Displaced communities, Tribals of their Citizenship, Property, Land, Livelihood and Identity, Life, human and Civic Rights.Now, The government on Monday said there was no cut in funds allocated for the rollout of the unique identification numbers and the programme will be expeditiously implemented.
"Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee has clarified that the ministry of finance is fully committed to expeditious implementation of the unique identification project and all funds required for the smooth roll-out of the project by the authority will be provided," the finance ministry said in a statement.
The clarification came after media reports said the government has decided to slash the budget for the unique identification project by more than half from the estimated Rs.7,000 crore to only Rs.3,000 crore.
Unique identification authority use the national population register to ensure that every Indian above the age of 15 gets a single identity number, which will help him access a variety of governmental and private-sector services. And in the times of global terrorism, it will help identify Indian citizens from illegal immigrants and terrorists.
The national population register is a database of the people of India, for which the national census is on.
Economic Times story is eye opening as the Cabinet secretary himself is supervising the Disinvestment Process beside the Economic ministries led by the BrahamiDe Facto Prime Minister Pranab Mukherjee!
Govt looks to institutions to bail out PSU share sales
12 Jul 2010, 0057 hrs IST,Arun Kumar & Dheeraj Tiwari,ET BureauNEW DELHI: The government is considering selling part of its stake in some public sector firms to large institutional investors through auctions instead of public offers, after a couple of mega follow-on public offers that hit the market last fiscal failed to enthuse retail investors.
The government may adopt this method in companies with 10-15% public float and actively traded shares, said an official with the department of disinvestment in the finance ministry. SAIL, NTPC and NMDC are some of the state-run firms with reasonable levels of public float.
Listed companies with less than 25% public holding are required to achieve the threshold over a period of time.
"We discussed the idea (of auction sale) after the recent follow-on offers failed to get adequate retail response, but things are at very preliminary stage," the official said, requesting anonymity.
The government has targeted a revenue mobilisation of Rs 40,000 crore from sale of shares in state-run entities in the current fiscal. The sale of shares to institutional investors could help it meet, even surpass, the target. In 2006, government had divested 8% residual stake in Maruti through the auction route with considerable success.
Senior officials with the department of disinvestment who met representatives of foreign financial institutions in Singapore and other Asian financial centres in the fourth week of June are of the view that the auction route is best suited in the current environment.
These officials are planning to visit the US and Europe shortly to gauge investor sentiment. After returning, they will prepare the note for Cabinet approval, the official said.
"The sale of shares to institutions will also help in divestment of stake in companies such as SAIL, which got stuck due to compliance issues as the company did not have the required number of independent directors," said another official. SAIL has a current market cap of Rs 80,000 crore and public float of 14.18%.
While the government is keen on creating a large investor base, it appears to be wary about approaching the market after the dismal performance of some recent FPOs.
"There are other ways of increasing public participation, such as increased participation of domestic mutual funds, which are primarily owned by retail investors and may result in an indirect distribution of wealth," said the official who asked not to be named.
The government failed to increase the public participation in NTPC and NMDC due to its aggressive pricing strategy, said Prithvi Haldea of Prime Database.
http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/economy/finance/Govt-looks-to-institutions-to-bail-out-PSU-share-sales/articleshow/6156613.cms
Friday, January 8, 2010
>PSU DISINVESTMENT – 2010 (ARM RESEARCH)
On account of global recessionary trends, India witnessed slowdown in its economy which resulted in all time high 16 – year high fiscal deficit of 6.8% which by any standard is unsustainable. The government in order to overcome economic slowdown and ensure that the economic growth process is not derailed growth during it introduced three stimulus packages which resulted in fiscal deficit of 6.8% of GDP.Economy has started improving on account of government's stimulus package. We expect, stimulus package would be withdrawn in a phased manner in tune with the gradual improvement of Indian economy.
It is encouraging to note that the government made its intentions clear to roll back the fiscal deficit to 5.5% from 6.8% of GDP in FY 11 and further down to 4% in FY 12. However government needs revenues to overcome these fiscal slippages and increasing the rates of indirect and direct taxes prematurely would defeat the very purpose of stimulus package. Government was left with the onerous task of maintaining a delicate balance between maintaining the growth momentum and ensuring rigorous fiscal discipline to bridge the fiscal deficit at acceptable levels within the shortest possible time span. Under the circumstances divestment of PSU's was the only panacea to the abovementioned dilemma.
PSU Disinvestment inevitable…
The Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs decided that the government will lower its stake in all listed public sector enterprises (PSEs) to atleast 90%. Government has already initiated this process by divesting 5% stake in companies like NHPC, Oil India which fetched ~Rs.42,600 mn. There are ~13 companies in which government stake is in excess of 90%. Disinvestment in these companies could fetch ~Rs. 280,000 mn which are shown in report
Further, disinvestment by the government would lead to significant re – rating of PSU companies. Local indices and MSCI India are on free float basis, where PSUs score poorly- e.g. PSU weightage in Nifty by Market Capitalisation is ~29%while actual weightage is only 14.7% due to low free float. As a result global fund managers may have to increase their weightage in PSUs. In general, India may have a poor perception of PSU companies but these stock's have outperformed the Sensex over the last 1,3 and 10 years.
2010 can expect huge issuances from Government of India. As India is transiting from US$1 trn economy to US$ 2 trn, it has a digestable appetite to absorb these massive investments mainly due to its 38 % savings rate.
Companies in the PSU basket have huge cashable, monetizable assets like for eg. a land bank. Government is increasingly consenting to monetize these land banks.
PSU's a wealth generating story in the past…
PSUs disinvestment has created value for investors in the long run. If we recall the 1st time that PSUs got listed in 1993 – 94, it was amazing to see the bargains that one got in companies like CMC, BHEL etc.
To read the full report: PSU DISINVESTMENT
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Anti-Posco agitators reject compensation package
http://www.deccanherald.com/content/80767/anti-posco-agitators-reject-compensation.html
Paradip (Orissa), Jul 11 (PTI)
Anti-Posco agitators on Sunday burnt copies of the new rehabilitation package issued by the company and accused Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik of backtracking from his "promise" to visit the site for taking stock of the situation.
Terming the package as meaningless, leaders of Posco Pratirodh Sangram Samiti (PPSS) and others agitators said the residents of three gram panchayat in Jagatsinghpur district would "never allow" the mega steel plant to come up there. The protesters held a public meeting near Dhinkia and erected barricades to prevent authorities from entering.
On July 8, Posco-India had announced a compensation package for the people to be displaced by its Rs 51,000 crore mega steel project near here where it would pay Rs 17 lakh per acre of agricultural land and 11.5 lakh per acre of area under betel vine, among other provisions.
Terming the Chief Minister as a "betrayer", PPSS President Abhay Sahu said the villagers had allowed peaceful socio-economic and forest survey as Patnaik had promised to visit the area before going ahead with any other project related work. "By paving way for announcement of a compensation package before visiting the area, the chief minister has backtracked from the assurance he had given to the people, mainly farmers whose livelihood is endangered due to the proposed plant by the South Korean steel major," he said.
Sahu said Patnaik should have visited the area to see the prosperity which would be wiped out if the plant was set up. Social activists like Prafulla Samantara and Rabi Das said at the meeting that the package announced now lacked credibility as the MoU signed between Posco-India and Orissa government on June 22, 2005 lapsed on June 21 after its tenure of five years.
Asserting that they successfully prevented any headway in the proposed project in last five years, they said the locals were prepared to go to any extent to stop the plant from being set up in the area. They said the barricaded area would be guarded by villagers round-the-clock and police, administration and Posco officials will not be able to enter the site.
Anti-Posco agitators vow not to allow seeting up of the proposed project in Orissa
http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report_anti-posco-agitators-vow-not-to-allow-seeting-up-of-the-proposed-project-in-orissa_1408394
PTI
Sunday, July 11, 2010 18:54 IST
Paradip: Anti-Posco agitators today burnt down copies of the new compensation package and vowed not to allow setting upof the proposed steel project near here accusing Orissa chief minister Naveen Patnaik of betraying innocent locals by backtracking from his promise of visiting the area to take stock of the situation.
Dubbing the package as meaningless, leaders of Posco Pratirodh Sangram Samiti (PPSS) and others agitating against
the Rs 51,000 crore project asserted that residents of three gram panchayat in Jagatsinghpur district would never allow the mega steel plant to come up in the area.
The protesters held a public meeting near Dhinkia and erected barricades to prevent police and officials from entering the area while vowing to oppose the project tooth and nail.
Hitting out at the chief minister, PPSS president Abhay Sahu described him as a "betrayer" and said the villagers allowed peaceful socio-economic and forest survey as Naveen Patnaik promised to visit the area before going ahead with any other project related work.
"By paving way for announcement of a compensation package before visiting the area, the chief minister has backtracked from the assurance he had given to the people, mainly farmers whose livelihood is endangered due to the proposed plant by the South Korean steel major," he said.
Sahu said the chief minister should have visited the area to see the prospering and well developed agrarian economy which would be wiped out if the mega steel plant was set up ignoring people's sentiments.
The Third Letter: The Maoist and the undelivered missive. Azad's death
is no man's peace
From Tehelka Magazine, Vol 7, Issue 28, Dated July 17, 2010
by TUSHA MITTAL
SOCIAL ACTIVIST Swami Agnivesh sits in his room at 7 Jantar Mantar,
perplexed, battling a strange sense of guilt. For the past few months,
he has been mediating a backroom dialogue between the Government of
India and the CPI(Maoist). Since May 2010, Agnivesh had facilitated
the exchange of two letters between the warring parties. On June 26,
he dispatched a third letter to top Maoist leader Cherukuri Rajkumar
alias Azad. "The peace process was at a critical juncture. A very
positive response was expected,"
Agnivesh told TEHELKA. "I was to receive a date from which talks could
begin." Much to his horror, what he received instead was news that
Azad — the receipent of his letter — had been killed in the forests of
Andhra Pradesh. "It is possible that Azad let his guard down because
of my last letter," Agnivesh said. "It is a great loss for all of us,
including the government. Azad was a key person and most favourably
disposed to the peace process. We must ensure that his death does not
derail the possibility of peace."
But the Home Ministry has a different view. "I don't think this is a
setback to the peace process. We had not received any positive
response from CPIMaoist," Home Secretary GK Pillai told TEHELKA.
For every conversation that leaps us forward, there are strings that
pull us back. The rhetoric of Maoists killing 27 CRPF men two days
before Azad's death is one such shackle. Reading that attack as an
indication that the Maoists were not serious about peace would be
misleading. The on-going backroom dialogue was aimed at deciding a
date from which a mutual cessation of violence would begin. Until such
a date was arrived at, it was understood the violence would continue
from both sides. And it did. In the weeks leading up to Azad's death —
five maoists were killed in Lalgarh, several maoist sympathisers were
arrested, and adiviasi women continued to be raped by the forces. The
Maoists too continued to kill.
The reason why Azad's death must be seen outside this cycle of
violence is because Azad was a key and unlikely salesman of truce,
carrying Swami Agnivesh — and by default P Chidam - baram's message to
comrades in Dandakaranya. "Azad was building consensus for a ceasefire
within the party. He had our full mandate. Now the government has
shown it was never interested in talks," Usendi, Maoist spokesperson
of the Dandakaranya Special Zone Committee, told TEHELKA.
While the first two letters have been made public, the third letter
remains confidential. Sources have told TEHELKA of its contents — and
it indicates how close both parties were to the possibility of
dialogue. That is what makes Azad's death significant, almost
poignant. For the hundreds of adivasis and soldiers trapped in this
war, it means a bleaker, bloodier future. Already the Maoists have
vowed revenge when they could have been inching toward peace.
"This is a fascist State dreaming that peace will come back by
liquidating people," says G Haragopal, one of the mediators in the
2004 Andhra talks. "Such reactions show an insecure and unconfident
State." Azad's killing in a gunbattle with the police in the remote
forests of Andhra Pradesh, was hailed as one of the biggest catches
since the goverment launched a joint-offensive against the Maoists in
2009. Azad was No 3 in the Maoist ranks, a politburo member, Central
Committee spokesperson, and a close aide to Maoist chief Ganapathi.
The son of a hotel owner, Azad, 55, belonged to an upper caste family
from Krishna district in Andhra Pradesh. An engineering student in
Warangal, Azad earned two MTech degrees and helped found the
Revolutionary Students Union. Jailed during the Emergency, he went
underground shortly after.
ON JULY 2, Adilabad Superintendent of Police P. Promod Kumar claimed
the police received intelligence inputs about a group of 25 to 30
Maoists moving around in the Adilabad forest area, near the
Maharashtra border. A police team encountered the rebels in the hilly
terrain near Sarkepally village. "Our team cautioned them to
surrender, but they came under fire, forcing them to retaliate," he
said. According to the police, the encounter began around 11:30 pm on
July 1 and lasted till 2 am on July 2. Later they recovered two bodies
— Azad and an unidentified man.
Several details have emerged since, that counter the police version of
events. Villagers in Sarkepally have said they did not hear gunshots
on the night of July 1. The CPI (Maoist) has also released statements
alleging the encounter was fake. "Azad was picked up from Nagpur. He
had no reason to be in Adilabad. Azad was to meet our man at a cinema
hall in the city on July 1. Our man waited but he never showed up,"
Usendi said.
Swami Agnivesh
A brewing controversy surrounding the second body further strengthens
the theory of a fake encounter. After photos of the bodies appreared
in Andhra newspapers, a family from Uttarakhand claimed the second man
wasn't a Maoist but a freelance journalist called Hem Chandra Pandey.
Hailing from Dewaltal town of Pithoragarh district of Uttarakhand,
Pandey had been based in Delhi since 2007. "My husband left Delhi on
June 30. He had gone to Nagpur for an assignment and was expected back
on July 2," said his wife Babita Pandey. Pandey's family claims he
wrote for Hindi newspapers like Nai Dunia, Rastriya Sahara, Dainik
Jagran. Editors of all these papers have denied this, but TEHELKA has
clippings of his work published under the name Hemant Pandey.
Since early 2010, he had been working for an in-house corporate
magazine called Chetna, at Delhi Assam Railways Corporation Limited.
Pandey's colleagues at DARCL describe him as a quiet, helpful man who
attended office regularly. Significantly, his colleagues say they saw
Pandey last on July 1 — the same day the police claim he was killed in
Adilabad. "He attended office for the first half on July 1 and then
asked for leave," office-in charge Abhishek Ranjan said. Another
colleague who sits near Pandey said he saw him until lunch. TEHELKA
has also learned that Pandey's supervisor has a text message sent on
July 1 saying he would be in for half the day.
However, Pandey's family continues to believe he left Delhi on June 30
by train. Any proof that Pandey was in office on July 1 is crucial
because it could blow holes in the police version. It would be
extremely unlikely for someone to be waging guerilla warfare in the
Andhra Pradesh jungles by night, if they were in Delhi until 2 pm the
same day.
TO UNDERSTAND the significance of what happened on the night of July
1, one has rewind to Agnivesh, to understand why he feels that sense
of guilt.
On May 6-8, Agnivesh and several other activists marched through
Raipur and Dantewada asking for an end to violence. On May 11,
Chidambaram wrote to Agnivesh to clarify the government's position.
The key to talks lay in a specific date from the Maoists. "On the
specified date (say, June 1), we would expect that the CPI(Maoist)
will stop all violent activities," Chidambaram wrote. "We would
closely observe whether the CPI(Maoist) will maintain the position of
"no violence" for 72 hours. It goes without saying that, during the
said period of 72 hours, the security forces will not conduct any
operations against the CPI(Maoist). It is our hope that talks will
begin during [that] period."
The letter was significant because it was the first time the
government had shown its willingness for a mutual halt of violence,
meeting a key demand of the Maoists. In a signed response dated May
31, Azad also indicated his party's willingness for talks. "Our Party
desires peace sincerely in the interests of the lakhs of adivasis who
are being cruelly crushed," he said. He mocked Chidambaram's 72-hour
figure as a joke. "If the government is serious it should speak in
terms of mutual ceasefire, for a longer period of time, and spell out
the government's stand on fulfilling the minimum requisites like
release of leaders and lifting the ban on the CPI (Maoist)." Azad also
asked the government to "stop its efforts to escalate the war,
including the measure of calling back all the paramilitary forces
deployed in war zones."
'Azad was going to give a date for mutual ceasefire. He may have let
his guard down because of my letter. I am in shock'
SWAMI AGNIVESH
Agnivesh relayed the letter to Chidambaram. On the basis of his
discussion with the home minister, Agnivesh wrote a third letter to
Azad on June 26 clarifying questions raised by the Maoists. The third
letter clarified that Chidambaram's insistence on 72 hours did not
mean that ceasefire would only last for three days. Rather,
Chidambaram wanted a specific date from which 72 hours of "mutual
cessation of hostilities" would begin. During that period, he would
invite the Maoists for talks and initiate a mutual ceasefire
agreement.
Agnivesh's third letter asked the Maoists for the most operative part
of the process — a date from which the 72 hours of no violence would
commence. Had Azad reached his destination, perhaps that date of peace
would be on its way to New Delhi.
WRITER'S EMAIL: TUSHA@TEHELKA.COM
From Tehelka Magazine, Vol 7, Issue 28, Dated July 17, 2010
Captive coal miners may get to sell to third parties
12 Jul 2010, 0841 hrs IST,Subhash Narayan,ET BureauNEW DELHI: In a step towards opening the commercial coal mining to the private sector, the government may allow companies holding captive mining leases to sell excess coal in the open market to meet the increasing coal demand for power generation. At present, commercial mining is reserved for state-owned Coal India (CIL), which is not able to ramp up production fast enough, necessitating ever-increasing imports. As a half-hearted solution, the government had allowed private companies to mine coal for captive consumption, but they were not allowed to sell any excess production in open market, or what is called merchant sale. Any surplus production has to be transferred to the nearest CIL subsidiary at a price determined by the coal controller, usually 40-50% below open market price, discouraging extra production. "The issue (commercial sale from captive blocks) is being re-examined by the coal ministry in order to improve the overall coal availability in the country," a coal ministry official said. "The existing policy does not permit companies to produce at their maximum-rated capacity from captive blocks, as production is tied to their end-use and sale of any excess coal in the open market is prohibited," the official added. The coal ministry may allow companies with captive mines to sell incremental coal from their blocks to other approved end-users of coal — power, steel and cement producers — that are eligible to get captive coal mines on their own. However, the government may still regulate the price of such sales, creating the risk that an unduly low price could discourage companies from producing more than their captive use requirement. The government has already allowed Reliance Power to divert incremental coal from mines allocated for its Sasan ultra mega power project (UMPP) to the company's 4000 mw power project at Chitrangi in Madhya Pradesh. The government could now go a step further and allow a captive miner like Reliance Power to sell surplus coal to third parties. "Not all companies with captive mines may have plans to set up another power or steel project on their own. Permission to sell incremental coal would facilitate such companies in getting buyers from outside," said an official in the Planning Commission. Experts feel this will make coal-based power projects more attractive and could see better participation in bidding and help bring down tariffs. "The move will definitely help in getting competitive bids for future power projects as bidders could factor in change in policy in their tariff quotes," said an official of an advisory firm. "Similar adjustments can also be made by other companies to reduce their cost of operations and price the products competitively," he added. |
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P Sainath
to Dalitsshow details Jul 7 (5 days ago)Thank you for this. This is very solid, and very clear-headedly argued.Most useful to know - even if saddening.I had the sense the same happened in the internal Vs external examsof the regional engineering colleges/. There dalit students fared far betterin the externals where their identities were unknown to the examiner.I'd be grateful for more informationm on this subject in general.Warm regardsP. SainathOn Wed, Jul 7, 2010 at 10:03 AM, Anoop Kheri <anoopkheri@gmail.com> wrote:
from www.blog.insightyv.com
by Anoop Kumar
My lawyer father used to tell me about the power of certain surnames and the 'reservation' they enjoyed in their public lives in contrast with people who were granted 'reservations' through the Indian constitution. I used to get amazed with the stories he narrated of court rooms where the surnames of judges and the advocates often used to determine the outcome of the cases rather than their merits.
And these used to happen automatically, no conspiracy, no underhand dealings but pure, unadulturated 'brotherhood' of certian surnames. However, more than this 'brotherhood' what became more important gradually was the 'othering' of people who donot have these surnames and have to suffer prejudices, discrimination at all levels.
I myself witnessed the same 'brotherhood' and the 'othering' while giving vivas in school practicals, interviews in entrance exams and also seen a Dalit candidate being dismissed by the interview board for JNU Mphil entrance exams after being asked just one question saying that , "Tumhara toh selection ho hi jayega" (You will anyhow get selected).
The student did get selected under SC quota but it is a different matter that he got less than the average marks in his interview while scoring at par with others in written examination.
I am posting two articles to understand how merit is linked with surnames in this country. The first peice is an article written by a very eminent Dalit writer and ex -bureaucrat Mr. A.K. Biswas that has been published in Mainstream (1993) and later on www.ambedkar.org.
Another one is a small interview, taken by our magazine INSIGHT and published in its first issue (2004), of Dalit student Himanshu Gautam who cleared UP civil services exams with an over all 9th rank and broke the record of maximum marks scored in UP PSC interviews by scoring staggering 80% marks as the UP government decided against revealing the background of any candidate except the educational one to the interview board.
Case of an IAS Topper
By A.K. Biswas
[The Author is retired IAS officer, an eminent writer, ex Vice-Chancellor of Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar University, Muzaffarpur, Bihar. The article was first published in Mainstream, VOL XXXII NO5, December 18, 1993.]
Fate of the first Scheduled Caste IAS (1950)
The Union Public Service Commission (UPSC) under the Constitution of free India started functioning from January 26, 1950. The UPSC conducted its first examination to recruit personnel for the IAS and Central Services the same year. The First Report of the UPSC does not mention the number of SC/ST candidates. But it discloses that Achyutananda Das was the country's first SC to make it to the IAS in 1950 itself. He was, in fact, the topper of his batch in the written examination.
Achyutananda Das, from West Bengal, secured 613 out of 1050 marks in written examination whereas N. Krishnan from Madras secured 602. But in the interview, Krishnan secured 260 out of 300 as against 110 by Achyutananda Das. Thus Achyutananda was left miles behind by Krishnan due to the latter's performance in the viva-voce test.
But the case of Aniruddha Dasgupta, also from West Bengal, is both interesting and revealing. The marks obtained by these three may be examined to appreciate the case of the topper in the table below -
Name of Candidate Total (1050 marks) Interview (300 marks) Grand (1350) 1 N. Krishnan 602 260 862 2 Aniruddha Dasgupta 494 265 760 3 Achyutananda Das 613 110 719 The margin of difference of marks between Achyutananda Das and N. Krishnan in written papers being eleven only so in the interview if the latter outstripped the former, there is not much surprise perhaps. But the written and viva-voce marks of Aniruddha Dasgupta in comparison with those of Achyutananda Das raise a number of issues.
Dasgupta secured the highest marks in viva-voce among all successful candidates recommended for appointment to the IAS, IPS, IFS, etc. But it was also he who got the lowest aggregate as well as the lowest average of all those qualified for appointment to the IAS and Allied Services. Further, he scored the lowest marks of all the qualified candidates in General Knowledge.
Dasgupta scored 26.66 per cent in General Knowledge, 47.04 per cent in written aggregate but an astounding 88.33 per cent in Personality Test as against 52.66 per cent, 58.38 per cent and 36.66 per cent respectively scored by Achyutananda Das. The margin of difference of marks between Das and Dasgupta in written examination was as vast as 119. Reduced into percentage, Das was an unbridgeable 11.33 per cent ahead of Dasgupta.
Any candidate strong in General Knowledge is usually expected to face the Selection Board very confidently and to perform competently. Aniruddha Dasgupta's poorest (26.66 per cent) score amongst all successful candidates in General Knowledge notwithstanding; he must have thrown up the biggest surprise by scoring the highest marks in the interview.
His viva-voce score of 265 which was followed by Krishnan with 260, not only helped him make up the vast gap between him and Achyutananda Das but he left the latter far behind.
In the ultimate count, Krishnan topped; Aniruddha Dasgupta occupied the 22nd position in the merit list and Achyutananda Das was assigned the 48th position.
Das was the last man in the list of qualified candidates recommended for appointment in the IAS. He was allotted to the cadre of Uttar Pradesh.
There is no published record to examine the questions which were posed by the Selection Board to Das, Dasgupta and Krishnan and the answers offered by them. If those were available, posterity would have benefited by acquiring the tools and techniques adopted by Dasgupta as to how to impress the Selection Board of the UPSC despite miserable written scores.
Fate of the first Scheduled Tribe IAS (1954)
Nampui Jam Chonga, from Assam, was the country's first tribal in the IAS through the examination held in 1954. His case bears striking similarities in certain aspects with that of Achyutananda Das. Nampui Jam Chonga scored third highest marks in General Knowledge but got 160 only in Personality Test. His scores can be compared with that of Rathindra Nath Sengupta, an IAS allotted to the West Bengal cadre.
Nampui Jam Chonga scored 747 in written papers as against Rathindra Nath Sengupta who got 692 marks-the difference between them being 53 marks. Sengupta's score (50) in General English was the lowest of all the qualified candidates; in General Knowledge he was the second lowest, his pride being humbled by Snehlata Puri (Punjab) who scored 37.
Nevertheless, Sengupta scored the second highest 240 (80 per cent) in Personality Test, the highest 260 (86.66 per cent) being secured by two candidates-S.K.Chaturvedi, Madhya Pradesh cadre and D.Bandopadhyay, West Bengal cadre. S.K.Chaturvedi was the topper of his batch.
Nampui Jam Chonga ultimately was placed at 64th, the last in the merit position for appointment to the IAS whereas Rathindra Nath Sengupta was assigned the 52nd.
Notwithstanding their impressive performance in written papers, both Achyutananda Das and Nampui Jam Chonga could not impress the personality Test Board. Both Dasgupta and Sengupta, on the other hand, proved the reverse that their personality impressed the Selection Board more than their pen could impress their examiners.
……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….
An interview with Himanshu Gautam
( UPPSC 9th Rank, 2004)
P.hD, sem I, Hindi Centre/ SL &CS (JNU, New Delhi)
Congratulation: your success which must have been personally rewarding has also helped break the myth that Dalits are not meritorious and the fact that you secured highest marks in the interview re-affirms this.
I have not done anything great but I do recognize that this is not only personal success helps to dispel the myths that Dalits are not meritorious, it will be real achievement. But I am not the first to tread this path to success. There have been many Dalits before me who have secured better marks then me. But it is a rare that we hear about them. Its only because I am in JNU and there is an attempt by groups like INSIGHT to record these successes, that I am giving this interview. (Smile)
When did you being thinking of writing the civil services exams?
At a very young age my father suggested this career to me and he has remained a crucial support and inspiration since. But it was in JNU that I found an atmosphere that helped me to focus and work consistently. My friends helped me a lot, ESPECIALLY Prashant Sir and Sarwar Bhai. I am proud of my friends and thank them.
There is a feeling among Dalits students that they are at disadvantage during interviews. Many have spoken of awkward question being asked, and some have even accused interviewers of being out-rightly castiest. Did you sense that your caste was under consideration at the UPPSC interviews?
Yes. I am aware of this. I was nervous before the interview. But I was fortunate that this year UPPSC had introduced the practice of not providing the interviewers with information regarding the candidate identity. Hence possibility of being harmed is less. Especially for candidates belonging to the Dalit community. I think this had a part to play in my securing record marks in the interview.
[Published in INSIGHT Vol 1, No 1, September 2004]
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