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Sunday, June 13, 2010

Fwd: Surendra Mohan on caste based census



---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: dilip mandal <dilipcmandal@gmail.com>
Date: Sat, Jun 12, 2010 at 11:48 AM
Subject: Surendra Mohan on caste based census



Caste based Census

Surendra Mohan

                          

 The enumeration of the Indian population on caste basis was done only in 1931. After that, it was not thought advisable to do so. Yet, the constitution makers were not oblivious of the caste factor in the society and provided for special opportunities for the backward classes in it. Yet,while the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes were given reservations in public employment, education and in elections to Union and State Legislatures, the Other Backward Castes were denied any such preferential opportunities. The enumeration of the SCs and the STs became necessary since they were given reservations, but there was no general caste based census. However, as per the constitution's mandate, the Central Government appointed the Kaka Kalelkar Commission to recommend special opportunities for the OBCs. Its recommendations were not accepted, by it, but it left the matter to be dealt with by the State Governments. In some States in the South, special opportunities for the OBCs already existed and by the 1980's, almost all States had provided for such opportunities for them. Moreover, the dispute whether backward  classes could be interpreted as backward castes was settled by the Supreme Court, and castes were accepted as such in respect of the constitutional provisions

 

The National Front Government decided in 1990 to accept some recommendations of the Mandal commission, and all hell broke loose. Questions were raised as to how the Commission had estimated the exact proportion of the OBCs in the population, what criteria it  had adopted in determining which were the OBCs and why it had adopted whole castes as backward when the socio- economic conditions within a caste differed from individual to individual. Some leaders also asked why the economic criteria were not applied. The Supreme Court rejected various pleas against the acceptance of the Mandal Commission's recommendations, but wanted the creamy layer among them to be excluded in providing special mopportunities.

 

However, there is a strong body of opinion in the country which challenges caste based criteria as it considers the institution of caste to be an obsolete one, taking the society in a backward direction. Modernists, liberals and Marxists have been arguing these points for long. The Marxists stress that class analysis of the society is appropriate and will help in the removal of economic injustices. However, caste remains the foundation of the society. It is not that the Hindus alone have castes; the demands for reservations in favour of Muslim backwards and dalit Christians show clearly that this institution exits among them as well. On all social occasions, the caste is present. Most marriages in India are caste based; laws of inheritance and adoption also are based on caste. In elections, almost all parties look at the caste profile in the constituencies to decide their candidates. Unfortunate as it might appear, this is the harsh reality.

 

The hierarchical nature of the caste system, the exclusive structures it has maintained for centuries and its stability in respect of social ranking and in defining the vacations of various castes have worked to stultify the society and create vast and unjust distances of social and economic status. The constitution has therefore provided special opportunities for the socially and educationally backwards, which is necessary to pull the society towards justice and thereby move forward. These opportunities help in accelerating social mobility. Any measure that strengthens this movement, including a caste based census which gives correct figures about the OBCs in particular,, should be welcomed.

                         

The Mandal Commission had based its findings on two factors: the census in 1931 and its own survey based on certain socio- economic criteria. But, the critics felt that the figures of that census could not be held valid after sixty years. Since then, two decades have passed, and that criticism appears to have become more valid, though it needs to be added that no cataclysmic changes have altered the caste profile of the society in any significant manner. Even so, it is appropriate that the figures are made up to date. 

 

As census after census has shown, the rate of the growth of population has differed from State to State. In the southern States, it has been falling significantly, but in the northern States, its decrease is much slower. Possibly, sections of population in the States have also registered such changes. The Scheduled Castes are known to produce more children because of social insecurity as the only support of the old and the destitute among them is the male progeny. Therefore, their proportion in the population might have increased. On the other hand, the Scheduled Tribes' population might have been affected by the displacements of hundreds of millions owing to mistaken policies of development and the inability of the authorities concerned to provide for their rehabilitation. However, all these are conjectures, though not as wild as those made by the Vishva Hindu Parishad about the increase in the proportion of the Muslims in the total population in the country.

 

Only a caste based census can help decide about such conjectures. Such a census will provide the policy makers and the administrators rough and ready material for guidance. Since the present census is also designed to determining the economic status of an individual, the profile of the population that it will yield will show a realistic social and economic profile of the society.

  

There is a misplaced apprehension that the enumeration of castes will fuel tensions among various castes. All local communities have known their social composition, and have lived together with whatever social problems have arisen from time to time. Caste census would neither upset social balance in a locality, nor create any other disturbance. If the enumeration of the SCs/ STs in earlier censuses has not created any such complications, why should the enumeration of all the castes produce anxieties?  This census should have been conducted after the constitution provided for special opportunities. Even if belatedly, it will perform several useful functions. Hence, it needs to be supported.




--
Palash Biswas
Pl Read:
http://nandigramunited-banga.blogspot.com/

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