Government to seek passage of 16 key economic legislations!
I am NOT surprised on this Disillusion at all!The Brahaminical Intelligentsia or Civil Society has No SYPATHY with the Excluded Communities. They supported the New Human Face of the Manusmriti Hegemony to dislodge the Marxist Regime! But they did NOT stand up to lead the RESISTANCE against MONOPOLISTIC Aggressionagainst Mulnivasi Bahujan NOR they lodged any Protest to the Economic Ethnic cleansing and Reforms drive executed by the LPG Mafia Rule of UPA. Maoism is the result of the Militarisation of the State in Corporate Interest while entire Central India is Under Infinite Repression and the Indigenous Humanscape is siezed within.Mind you, Mamata is also a Partner of UPA. They did NOT oppose UPA because of Mamata and limited within the Infighting of Bengal Power Politics to get personal mileage. They have NOTHING to do with the Suffering Majority but they Reincarnate themselves as the defender of Human Rights and Civil Rights!What is the Political Character of Mamata or TMC, they pose NOT to know anyway! MP Kabir Suman wearing a REBEL Face clingsto his post. While those who remain SILENT, are directly or indirectly on PAY ROLL!
Mayawati government passes resolution for division of Uttar Pradesh
Troubled Galaxy Destroyed Dreams, Chapter 711
Palash Biswas
http://indianliberationnews.com/
http://indianholocaustmyfatherslifeandtime.blogspot.com/
http://basantipurtimes.blogspot.com/
Modernisation of Indian Defence
Decks cleared for Rs 5000 crore IAF deal for missiles, trainer jets
The deals are for acquisition of 75 Swiss aircrafts to train rookie pilots and over 450 French missiles to arm upgraded Mirage-2000.
- 5,000-km range Agni-5 to be test fired
- Rise in indigenous content in strategic missiles
- India's missile woman 'Agni Putri' Tessy
- India's UAV similar to US Predator drone
- Panic over China's 4 new ballistic missiles
http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/economy/policy/government-to-seek-passage-of-16-key-economic-legislations/articleshow/10817588.cms
Government to seek passage of 16 key economic legislations!
Mahasweta calls Trinamool Cong a 'fascist' party.In a fresh appeal to Maoists to return to the mainstream, West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee on Monday warned sympathisers of action if they were found "glorifying" the Naxals. While,West Bengal Governor, MK Narayanan has termed the process of talks between the government and the Maoists an inherently 'complex' one. Mamata Banerjee has asked the security forces leading the anti-Maoist offensive to go beyond the borders of the state into Orissa, Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh. The rift between West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee and the Congress escalated to a new level in the state with Mamata saying that the ally in the state needs to decide whether it would like to remain in the alliance.Some other intellectuals, who had stood solidly behind Mamata Banerjee in her bid to come to power in the state, have also voiced their protest in a letter written to APDR.They include singer and Trinamool MP Kabir Suman, film-maker Aparna sen, theatre personality Koushik Sen, writer Suchitra Bhattacharya and poet Sankha Ghosh.
I am NOT surprised on this Disillusion at all!The Brahaminical Intelligentsia or Civil Society has No SYPATHY with the Excluded Communities. They supported the New Human Face of the Manusmriti Hegemony to dislodge the Marxist Regime! But they did NOT stand up to lead the RESISTANCE against MONOPOLISTIC Aggressionagainst Mulnivasi Bahujan NOR they lodged any Protest to the Economic Ethnic cleansing and Reforms drive executed by the LPG Mafia Rule of UPA. Maoism is the result of the Militarisation of the State in Corporate Interest while entire Central India is Under Infinite Repression and the Indigenous Humanscape is siezed within.Mind you, Mamata is also a Partner of UPA. They did NOT oppose UPA because of Mamata and limited within the Infighting of Bengal Power Politics to get personal mileage. They have NOTHING to do with the Suffering Majority but they Reincarnate themselves as the defender of Human Rights and Civil Rights!What is the Political Character of Mamata or TMC, they pose NOT to know anyway! MP Kabir Suman wearing a REBEL Face clingsto his post. While those who remain SILENT, are directly or indirectly on PAY ROLL!
Amid concerns of policy paralysis expressed by a section of industry, the government will seek passage of 16 key economic bills in the winter session of Parliament starting tomorrow, to give a clear signal that it is moving ahead with the second generation financial reforms.
The long-pending Pension Fund Regulatory and Development Authority Bill (PFRDA), which will pave the way for 26 per cent foreign investment and will encourage the private sector participation in the pension sector, is among the 16 economic bills.
The Direct Taxes Code Bill and the Goods and Services Tax Bill, are unlikely to be taken up in the month-long session as the government has not received reports of the Parliamentary Standing Committee.
The Insurance Bill which seeks to raise the foreign direct investment in the insurance sector from 26 per cent to 49 per cent is also pending with the Committee headed by senior BJP leader and a former Finance Minister Yashwant Sinha. These bills are considered important for the next generation reforms and the government has been making requests to the Parliamentary panel to expeditiously complete the work. The government needs to take the Opposition parties on board, particularly for the GST since it would require two- third majority in both the Houses of Parliament and ratification by at least half of the state assemblies.
In the recent past, a section of India Inc has blamed the government for inaction on policy front, especially at a time when efforts were needed to fight slow down and combat the impact of the global crisis on domestic economy. India started the economic reforms in 1991 when the country faced critical foreign exchange problems.
Noted writer and rights activist Mahasweta Devi, who had actively campaigned for Trinamool Congress in West Bengal Assembly election, on Monday described the government as 'fascist' and alleged it was trying to throttle the people's voices.
"The people are denied of their legitimate right to protest and this is nothing but a fascist attitude. The government will have to withdraw the undemocratic diktat," Devi told a press conference referring to the denial of permission by the government to hold a hunger strike and sit-in demonstration on November 23 and 24 in the city.
The press conference was organised by the Association for Protection of Democratic Rights (APDR) and 21 other human rights organisations.
"What has not happened in the last 64 years in West Bengal happened today. The people were robbed of their natural right to protest," the Magsaysay award winner said.
The hunger strike and sit-in were planned to demand withdrawal of Joint Forces from Maoist-hit Jangalmahal, of Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act and release of political prisoners as promised by Trinamool Congress before coming to power.
Permission was initially given by Kolkata police but was withdrawn later citing "administrative" reason.
Asked if her hopes of good governance were dashed, Devi said "I have protested against injustice of the Left regime and the entire country knows me as a rebel writer and for that I have received Padma Bibhusan and Magsaysay award."
Asked if she has any sympathy for Maoists, she said "I don't believe in the politics of violence and killing of people but what Joint Forces are doing is also not justifiable democratically."
She demanded the Joint Forces be withdrawn first and the government take the initiative for peace talks.
Human rights activists today criticised West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee for warning Maoist sympathisers in the metropolis that watch was been kept on them.
"Those who raise their voice against the government are repressed and are dubbed Maoists. This is demeaning and unbecoming of a chief minister," human rights activist and senior professor of Jadavpur University Amit Bhattacharya told a press conference here.
Hitting out at the chief minister for the recruitment of tribals in junglemahal for jobs in the police, he said "it doesn't reflect her intention of development because the police are not associated with any kind of development work."
He also criticised Banerjee for stating that the death of innocent people in Maoist violence was painful alleging that rebels were brutally killed in encounters and asked if the government thought of compensating their families.
Asked if peace talks could be held with the Maoists who had refused to lay down arms, Bhattacharya said, "this is nothing new. It has happened earlier in Manipur and Nagaland and recently in Assam."
He alleged that Banerjee had retracted from her election promises and not taken any initiative to create an environment conducive to peace talks.
Asked whether the role of interlocutors was satisfactory, Bhattacharya said, "I can only say that they had to work in a difficult situation."
Deblina Chakrabarty of the Matangini Mahila Samiti, another rights organisation, alleged that said the new government was carrying on with the atrocities of the erstwhile Left Front regime.
"Nothing has changed, but the political colour. Today we are threatened because we don't support her undemocratic moves," Chakraborty said.
Asked whether her organisation supported the Maoist movement, she said, "we support any movement which fights for the poor people of our country."
In a fresh appeal to Maoists to return to the mainstream, West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee on Monday warned sympathisers of action if they were found "glorifying" the Naxals. "There is no time limit for patience in democracy. Let us hope for the better. One should not lose
faith. Peace is a continuous process and I will definitely keep faith," she said at the Writers' Buildings in Kolkata.
"I want Maoist friends to return to the mainstream and many are returning. The government will help them in all possible ways. I am again appealing to them," the Trinamool Congress chief said.
Defending her decision to step joint force operations in Maoist-hit Junglemahal, she said, "We suspended the operations for five months in the interest of peace. It was also mentioned in the Trinamool Congress manifesto. But after eight to 10 killings, we felt we are bound to ensure security to the people and I cannot deny my constitutional responsibilities."
Taking umbrage to a press conference earlier by the Association for Protection of Democratic Rights in which Magsaysay award winner Mahashweta Devi remarked that democratic rights were being taken away by the state, Banerjee said, "I honour Mahasweta Devi and her age. But I cannot accept all that she has said. I saw on TV that she was being prompted from behind."
Charging Maoists sympathisers with muddying the waters, she said, "They do not want peace to return to junglemahal and thrive on their share of the loot.
"Action can be taken against those glorifying Maoists. But the state government has not yet taken any action against them."
"They need to decide whether they would be with us. If they can take out a rally so can we. We are strong enough to go alone and the people would decide. They must decide on which side they would like to be," said Mamata Banerjee to a television channel on Friday.
Mamata's remark comes within two weeks of her stand in the face of hike in petrol prices last week when she said that she is ready to pull out of the UPA government if the Centre keeps on raising prices of petroleum products ignoring their constant protests.
Before the West Bengal Assembly polls, Mamata used to criticise the Congress, repeatedly alleging that the party supports CPI(M) on the sly. On Thursday, West Bengal Pradesh Congress President Pradip Bhattacharjee criticised the state government for undermining the panchayat system and introducing bureaucracy to execute work.
Mamata Banerjee threatened to hit the streets against Congress if it continues with its anti-Trinamool tirade and rallies. She also said that in order to maintain alliance she and her party colleagues are not resorting to verbal attacks against the Congress.
"They are saying a lot of things against us. But we are refraining from doing so. Our workers are being attacked by their workers. We are not retaliating. We are tolerating it because we are allies. But if they take out rallies on the streets our boys and girls would do so," she said.
On the issue of reported threat to her life by Maoists, Mamata said that on a number of occasions people planned to kill her but she is not perturbed.
"I am more concerned with the threat to the life of the people of Bengal. There is a joint conspiracy. A political party that has been alienated from the people is doing all such things. They are planning to kill me and my ministers and leaders," she said.
In the bigger picture, among the thorny issues between Mamata and the Congress is her tussle with the Centre to extract a special financial package to her cash strapped state.
The governor of West Bengal M K Narayanan found no short-cut to resolving the Maoist problem which has proliferated across 83 districts of nine states in India, including Bengal.
Commending chief minister Mamata Banerjee's initiative for dialogues with the Maoists, Narayanan said, such experiments failed because of pre-conditions laid down by Maoists. Talking to local level leader did not help as the problem is national.
The governor did not see much in the 'couple of surrenders.' "Unless Maoists lay down arms, there is not much hope. This is not the first time. Andhra Pradesh also carried out similar experiments, they also failed," he said.
Delivering First Sir Wauchop Memorial Lecture of Kolkata Police, the former national security advisor to the Prime Minister, Narayanan urged police for a special response to the problem of Maoists. problem from the police.
"It is a vibrant movement, with pockets of influences in urban areas and sympathy of intelligentsia. Police must understand its recruitment and propaganda mechanism to counter them." Sir S Wauchop was the first commissioner of police, Kolkata.
Police have to adopt asymmetric methodologies and techniques to counter the Left radicals, said Narayanan during the Lecture on the newer challenges for the police. The former NSA lamented that even six years after the Prime Minister had announced the National Police Mission with a completely new outlook and new sense of purpose, nothing has been achieved to equip police with necessary capacity to deal with newer challenges including Maoism, which the Prime Minister has, in fact, been repeatedly saying that Maoism is the biggest internal security threat of the nation.
However, the former super-sleuth criticized the Indian police on its highly deficient community policing activity. "As far as community policing is concerned, our police are far below the benchmark set by the West. In dealing with ever-changing social dynamics, police alone can do little. There has to be a meaningful partnership among police, local authority, NGOs, industry and community representatives."
The former super-sleuth Narayanan urged for capacity building of police for dealing with newer challenges before police. "The same police, which deal with the Left radicals and fundamentalism, also have to have the highest level of sophistication to deal with digital assault. In India, the police-man ratio is rather skewed. In West Bengal or in Kolkata, it is even worse."
The governor also laid emphasis on the training of police force at all levels. Lack of training has created a negative impact on the physical and moral aspect of policing across the country. Narayanan also said that capacity building will also be required in areas of maritime security and mass migration.
"While long stretches of coastal zone of India have always been a source of concern, our police are highly ill-equipped in handling the situation in the wake of a mass-migration The mass-migration because of climate change or other causes may create some extraordinary law and order situations," he said.
Earlier, Kolkata Police Commissioner R K Pachnanda in his inaugural address, said how Kolkata Police was keeping a round-the-clock vigil across the city to ensure that citizens feel completely safe.
"We are now looking after the security and safety of double the area we used to look after earlier. Our community policing through initiatives like Nabadisha (schools for street children), Prabaha (blood donation for all), Pranam (forum for elderly citizens) and Para Football (where 560 neighbourhood teams participated) have been quite effective," the top cop said.
Stepping up operations in junglemahal, the joint security forces are carrying out night searches on foot in forested areas of the region to track down Maoists.
Equipped with night vision devices, lights and mine detectors, personnel of the CRPF, part of the joint force contingent, are leaving camps at Jhargram in West Midnapore district by vehicles at night, then walking on foot into jungles at Kalaboni and Lodhasuli, police sources said today.
In remote areas with unmetalled roads, two-man teams of the joint security forces on motorcycles in groups of seven to eight are patrolling round-the-clock, the sources said.
The intensified operations had led to the capture on Friday of Maoist Nirmal Mahato from Malbona village, who had taken part in detaining the Rajdhani Express for eight hours at Banstala on October 27, 2009, the sources pointed out.
Areas in Jhargram, Nayagram and Belpahari were also being combed.
In Purulia district, the forested areas which together with West Midnapore and Bankura comprise junglemahal, round-the-clock patrols were extended to the Jaipur police station area, in addition to Jhalda, Bandwan, Bagmundi, Balarampur and Arsha.
Rabi Mandi, a Maoist cadre of the Maoists' Ayodhya squad had surrendered to Superintendent of Police Sunil Kumar Choudhury yesterday, saying poverty had driven him to the ultra camp in 2005.
However, he expressed his wish to return to the mainstream as a package had been announced by the Chief Minister.
He was the fifth Maoist to surrender in Purulia district.
Earlier, Durjyodhan Rajwar and Lalita Sahis of Balarampur had surrendered before Choudhury and Jagari Baske and Rajaram Baske before the chief minister at the state secretariat.
In Bankura district, patrols were continuing in Raipur, Sarenga, Barikul and Taldangra police station areas.
21 NOV, 2011, 07.07PM IST, MANMOHAN RAI,TNN
Mayawati government passes resolution for division of Uttar Pradesh
LUCKNOW: Amidst noisy scenes the Uttar Pradesh assembly passed a motion by voice vote on Monday to divide the state into four smaller parts. While theSamajwadi Party and the BJP cried foul saying that their notice to bring a no confidence motion against theMayawati government was ignored by a Speaker who is "biased", Chief Minister Mayawati hurriedly presented a resolution for the division of the state.The resolution for dividing UP into- Poorvanchal, Paschim Pradesh, Awadh Pradesh and Bundelkhand was passed by a voice vote amidst throwing of paper balls by the opposition members who trooped into the well of the house carrying banners calling the government corrupt and that it had lost its majority in the assembly.
Within minutes the Speaker Sukhdeo Rajbhar said that the house is being adjourned sine die, which means that it was the last sitting of the house before it goes to elections in a few months.
With the resolution being passed and forwarded to the centre, Mayawati now seeks to turn the focus on the Congress led UPA government for taking the next step.
"The UP assembly's resolution is just a proposal. It can be accepted or ignored by the central government. The power for creation of new states lies with the Parliament and not the state governments," points out former Principal Secretary to the UP Vidhan Sabha, Rajendra Prasad Pandey.
Mayawati is acutely aware that the power to create new states lies with the Congress which is in a fix over creation of smaller states due to Telangana in Andhra Pradesh.
She hopes to blunt the Congress aggressive campaign in UP led by Rahul Gandhi by highlighting its reluctance to decide on the division of UP into smaller states.
She would also hope to tide over the anti incumbency against her government and gain some traction from a small section of people who favour division of UP.
However, unlike Telangana, there have been no mass agitations for division of UP. Apart from muted demands from Rashtriya Lok Dal of Ajit Singh for creation of West-UP and Bundelkhand states by a group of activists, it has not converted into a mass movement.
Mayawati also tried to corner the Congress by saying that several of its MLAs in Andhra Pradesh had resigned in favour of Telangana.
"They are saying that my government has lost its majority, which is not true. Infact several Congress MLAs and MPs from Telangana have submitted their resignation to their respective Speaker. Infact it is the Congress government which should be in a minority not mine," she said.
Addressing the media Mayawati also denied any move to dissolve the house as was being speculated and said that she enjoyed a complete majority. She said that after passing the resolution for division of the state, her government would send it to the central government which had the mandate to decide on creating new states.
She said that it was not a political stunt and her government had been recommending it to the centre ever since she came to power in 2007.
The Samajwadi Party had at the start of the assembly session on Monday served a notice for bringing a no-confidence motion against the Mayawati government claiming support of all the opposition parties and 70 ruling BSP MLAs. The BJP had also served a notice to bring a no confidence motion and both the parties said that it should be given precedence over other matters before the house.
Leader of the opposition Shivpal Singh Yadav said that the Speaker had circumvent the democratic norms by not allowing their no confidence motion to be tabled. He said that resolution passed on Monday for division of the state has no legal sanctity as the government was in a minority when it tabled it.
BJPs Om Prakash Singh said that the Speaker was biased and had deliberately opposed their demand for tabling a no confidence motion. He said that the Congress also stood exposed as it could neither oppose the Mayawati governments move nor favour the opposition due to it being in a state of confusion over UP and Telangana in Andhra Pradesh.
http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/politics/nation/mayawati-government-passes-resolution-for-division-of-uttar-pradesh/articleshow/10818445.cms
Bengal to intensify anti-Maoist operations: Mamata
Nov 15, 2011Kolkata: With suspected Maoists gunning down two Trinamool workers in Purulia district, West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee yesterday dismissed the Maoist letter on their ceasefire withdrawal and said joint-operations would be intensified against the ultras.
"Murderers would not be spared. We will surmount the Maoists and snatch their guns. Joint operations would begin. My government has given them five-month time (by suspending the joint operations)," Banerjee told a regional news channel condemning the killing of two party workers at Balarampur last evening.
"We do not want to give importance to such a letter. I thought they (Maoists) would tread the democratic path. We do not know who they are. Can you recognise the men who move with their faces covered in black clothes? Who are this Akash (the state secretary of CPI (Maoist) or Batash?" she pointed.
The Bengal CM described the Maoists as "terrorists, murderers, jungle mafia and supari killers". Deshakalyan Chowdhury
Her comment came as the Maoist state secretary in a letter to one of the government-appointed interlocutors said, "As there was no official communication to our letter and demands either from you or the government, so the tenure of the agreement ends."The letter, written on 31 October, came just a month after an agreement was signed between Maoists and interlocutors. The two sides had agreed to maintain ceasefire, provided the government suspend the joint forces' operation for a month.
The killing of the two Trinamool Congress workers came two days after Banerjee addressed a rally at Balarampur in the Maoist-hit Purulia district. She described the Maoists as "terrorists, murderers, jungle mafia and supari killers".
"I don't support those who believe in the politics of murder…Even if they may be from Trinamool Congress, CPI(M), Congress, BJP or Maoists," she said.
Banerjee also launched a tirade against the "Maoists sympathisers" operating from Kolkata, including "two Jadavpur University professors".
"Those who are trying to glorify the Maoists would be arrested," she said and cautioned the people against 'All Bengal Students Union' and 'Matangini Brigade' which she claimed were working at the their behest.
"They shed tear for the Maoists, why don't they shed a single drop of tear for the poor people who are being murdered? Do the latter has no right to live?" she asked.
The Centre has banned the Maoists. Action would be taken against those who would be supporting them and colluding with them, she said.
"These few people from Kolkata prepare the blueprint from the city. They are helping them with money. They will not be spared and they would be arrested. Law would take its own course," the chief minister said.
The bodies of the slain Trinamool Congress workers will be brought to Kolkata tomorrow and a mourning procession would be held from College Square to condemn the killing, Banerjee said.
The CM said Maoism was being used by some people who were engaged in killings, loot and extortion. "They are killing people in the name of Maoism. We are against killings. I have already urged them to abjure violence and join the mainstream or else people will chase them away," she said.
Expressing her government's determination to firmly deal with the Maoist violence, she said, "If we with the help of the people can drive out CPI-M from power after 34 years of its misrule, we will also free the state from the Maoist menace. They are killing because they are alienated from the people."
Banerjee said she had given enough time to the ultras to come to the talks table and lay down arms with the expectation that they would see "good sense".
"For five months, I had stopped operations against them. But that did not help. They are kidnapping businessmen and extorting money in industrial areas," she said.
Lashing out at the Maoist sympathisers, she said that they were also trying to penetrate into the labour unions as also in the college unions by "misguiding" the people and
students.
She accused the Maoists of maintaining nexus with the CPI(M). "I have always said that there is a nexus between the Maoists and CPI(M)," Banerjee said.
PTI
APDR
First Declaration (Issued on 9th September, 1972)
DEMOCRATIC and human rights are the indispensible pre-conditions for the development of individual and society. Over centuries, people [of all lands have been in ceaseless struggle for attaining these fundamental rights and getting them well-entrenched and expanded in their social organisations.
In India, too, tradition of movement for achieving these human rights forms a glorious chapter of our history. In days of the British whenever the alien rulers struck at the national and democratic movement, robbed us of the fundamental human rights and resorted to repression and detention without trial, the people from all walks of life came forward to protest against those..
It was in this way that the people of India have been fighting without respite over a long period for a number of basic human rights, which ultimately won constitutional recognition. These are-freedoms of association, freedom to call mass meeting freedom of religion and political belief and right to have a secure life etc The solemn promise that these rights will remain unchanged and be protected by the prevalent laws of the Indian Union have also been enshrined in the constitution.
But the orgy of slaughter and brutal repression that have been sweeping for last two years all over India was unknown even in the days of British Raj. Reckless abuse of power in the name of maintaining law and order by the executives of the administrative machinery have not only led to the common human rights being trampled underfoot, even the provisions of the prevalent law of the land have been violated at every step.
Various detention laws of the British regime have been brought back under old and new names (P.V.A., M.I.S.A., D.LR. etc.).'Workers of different political parties and other common people in., their thousands have been detained under these draconian measures. At the same time many others in thousands have been implicated in cases under false charges and thrown behind the bar. Persons released on bail are re-arrested within the very premises of the court under newly fabricated charges.
Extent of arrest due to political reason is so great that according to the Government's own admission number of prisoners have far surpassed the capacity of the jail. Added to this is the supply of worst possible food, extremely frightening sanitary condition and facilities for treatments only in name. As a natural consequence, different incurable and infectious diseases have been playing havoc with, the lives of the hapless prisoners. "Already many have died of these diseases untreated and many more are on their way to it. Guardians and friends of the prisoners are getting no response from the Govt. even after repeated appeals. That is, persons who beyond doubt have been detained due to political reasons are, far from being recognised as the political prisoners, being refused even the minimum facilities, which are assured for all categories of prisoners by the jail code. Even the rights to have a weekly interview of a few minutes' duration with their relatives are not being allowed. Recently following the foot-steps of the former British rulers, prisoners are being deported to such far-off places from West Bengal that their relatives are getting no information about their wards.
Unspeakably barbarous tortures inflicted upon the prisoners under the plea 6f extorting confession during their detention in Police Custody, have already maimed arid are going to maim many of them.
Many others have developed insanity. These shameful episodes have come to happen, although according to Indian laws, let alone physical torture, even ill-behavior towards the prisoners is strictly prohibited.
Topping this list of shameful record is the -incidents of indiscriminate killings. Leaving aside the unheard of campaign of slaughter that is continuing outside, what any civilised society will shudder even to think- of, have - also come to pass-unarmed helpless prisoners in their hundreds are being beaten or shot to death in a most cold-blooded fashion under different pretexts in jails and police custody.
That is, executive organ of the state have, hi complete defiance of all constitutional provisions, on their own, been implementing the sentences of death, which can be decided upon by the Judiciary only. Yet judicial authority is surprisingly silent about it.
None of the important urban or rural-areas, nor any section of the common people, be it intellectuals, middle class, workers, peasants or students has been spared of this marauding march of death and repression. And the most promising-section of our population viz. students and youths have become the-cruelest victims of this barbarism.
Of course, in translating his ideal reality if any one oversteps the limits of law the Government may have the right to take legal action against him. But in doing so, Government too, by the similar logic, cannot overstep the same limits of law.
We vehemently condemn all the above activities which stand against humanity, are illegal and undemocratic. We appeal to all petitions of our people including workers, peasants, intellectuals and students - whatever differences of opinion and party affiliation we have, let us agree to a united effort to-end this reign of terror and repression and also to end mutual in-fighting amongst us.
Come forward and raise the following demands before the Government unitedly:—
l. Immediately withdraw all laws of detention without trial (P.V.A, MISA, D.I.R.etc).
2. Withdraw all-cases under false charge.
3. Persons arrested due to political reason are to be granted recognition and facilities due to be political prisoners.
4. Political prisoners are to be kept in jails nearest to their places of habitation, deportation too far off jails must stop.
5. Make, proper arrangements for treatment within the; jails and if necessary in outside hospitals.
6. Reintroduce the system of weekly interview of the prisoners
7. Torture or ill-treatment with the people detained in police custody or in jail must stop and treatment to them must be as given in the Indian laws.
8. Executive personnel connected with' the' incidents of slaughter and physical violence inside and outside the Police and jail custody must be prosecuted under the same charges in the court of law.
9. No obstruction should be raised to political parties and "individual to express their thought.
10. The administrative machinery should not be utilised to further' the interests of any particular party.
11. Stop all sorts of inter-party clash and terrorization.
12. Stop all kinds of individual killing.
13. Punishing Government employees in any way due to their belief in particular political ideology must stop.
14. Government must bear the full expenses of defense of all accused of police
cases.
15. Impartial and thorough investigations in all cases of mass killings inside DumDum, Alipore, Berhampore Midnapore, Bahkipur(Patna),Hazari-bag, Gaya, Bhagalpur etc) or outside (Barasat, Diamond Harbour, Burdwan, Kalna, Baranagore, Howrah, Bantra, Bhawani Dutta Lane etc) the jail and police custody case must be conducted and complete reports thereto must be published promptly.
16. Stop all sorts.of assaults on newspapers and journals.
17. Stop all sorts of assaults on the unions and mass organisations of worker, employees, peasants, students and other sections of the people.
18. There must be1-no imposition of any restrictions upon the cultural activities of the people and no assaults on the-same on the grands (real or imaginary) of any ideological motivation.
19. Withdraw all the police cases filed at the instigation of jotedars and landlords against the thousands of poor peasants, share-crappers and landless labourers in the country side.
20. Proper atmosphere at this-old places of work and habitation must be immediately restored for the individuals, who were compelled to leave the same due to political reasons, so that they many return, work and live there with safety.
21. Release all political prisoners.
22. Restore all the rights of civil liberty all over the country.
Lastly our appeal is:—
(a) Relatives and friends of political detainess, victims of slaughter arid repression due to political reason please contact with us at the address given below.
And
(b) Build up local A.P D.R. (Association for the Protection of Democratic Rights) organisations in your own localities.
Office Address:
Sri Kapil Bhattacharya (President, APDR)
18(N) Madan Baral Lane, Calcutta - 700012, West Bengal, India
Phone: 24-1598
(office remains open between 7 P.M - 9 P.M. on Tuesday, Thursday, Saturday)
1st Commitee of APDR
Sri Kapil Bhattacharyya ( Engineer ) .... President
Sm. Kalyani Bhattacharyya ( Das ) ( Freedom fighter, Working President Social Worker)
Sri Sushil Banerjee ( Freedom fighter ) .... Vice President
Sri M.A. Latif, ( Bar at Law and Ex.MLA ).... Vice President
Sri Barendra Krishna Daw ( Ex. Councillor,Cal Corpn. ) Advocate ..... Vice President
Sri Saroj Chakraborty ( Advocate ) ..... Vice President
Dr. Amiyo Basu ..... Vice President
Sri Promode Sengupta ( Ex INA Minister ) ..... General Secretary
Sri Dilipkanti Chaudhury .... Joint Asstt. Secretary
Sri Sanjay Mitra .... Joint Asstt. Secretary
Sri Amal Bose ...... Treasurer
Commitee Member:
Sri Kshirod Dutta ( Freedom fighter)
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Sri Asit Ganguly ( Advocate )
Sri Dulal Bose (Journalist )
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Sri Satyananda Bhattacharyya ( Journalist & Ex Councillor, Calcutta Corporation)
Sri Kanai Paul ( Ex MLA )
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Sm. Suhasini Devi (Freedom fighter)
Sri Guruprasanna Ghatak, (Advocate)
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Sri Utpal Dutta (Dramatis )
Sri Nalmi Sur (Advocate)
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Sri Subhas Chandra Ganguly
Sri Sudhir Mazumdar (Advocate)
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Sri Mritunjay Dasgupta
Sm. Sova Sen Famous Actress)
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Sri Mrinal Sen Film Director)
Dr. Sautosh K. Roy
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Sri Piuaki Chatterjee ( of Andaman Expedition )
Sri Adhir K. Mukhopadhyay
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Sm. Tilottama Bhattachariee ( Journalist )
Sri Indrajit Gupta ( M.P. )
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Dr. Bijoy Kumar Bose
Dr. Dhirendra Math Ganguly
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Dr. Bimal Bhattacharyya
Dr. Augshumau Ganguly
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Sm. Bina Dhar
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Sri Debashis Ganguly
Sri Rashbehari Ghosh
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Dr. Manoj Kr. Sadhu ( lecturer, CU. )
Dr. Biswanath prosad Adhikari ( Professor, Indian Statistical Institute )
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Dr. Binayak Dutta Roy ( Lecturer, Saha Institute of Nuclear Physics. )
Sri Sudhi Pradhanh
[ Issued on 9-9-72 at a Press Conferenece in Calcutta]
| Press Release | ||
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 *24rd April, 2009Press Release on Lalgarh on 24rd April, 2009 Click here Press Release on Lalgarh on 23rd April, 2009 Press Release on Lalgarh on 23rd April, 2009 | ||
 * 12th June, 2008Press Release on MASUM - APDR expresses about the incidents in MASUM OFFICE on 12th June, 2008 | ||
 * 9th June, 2008The APDR strongly condemns the move by Kolkata Police authorities to derail the process of holding of a Public Hearing on Torture Victims, organised in Kolkata by Banglar Manabadhikar Suraksha Mancha (Masum). | ||
 * 19th March, 2008Press Release on TIBET - APDR expresses its deep concern about the very recent incidents in Tibet. Click here Press Release on against killed in police firing held on 5th February, 2008 at Dinhata, Coochbihar. Click here Press Release on against Violence held on 21st November, 2007 at Park Circus. Click here Press Release on Reply against Chief Minister's Allegation Against APDR on 29th October, 2007. And also, coverd "Ration Riots", and etc. |
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Another Maoist surrenders
TNN | Nov 21, 2011, 05.42AM IST
MIDNAPORE/PURULIA: A 20-year-old Maoistsquad member "surrendered" before the Purulia police superintendent on Sunday. This is the sixth Maoist to surrender after Mamata Banerjee took over the reins of the state. Jhargram police also notched up a "prized catch", arresting a PCPAmember reportedly involved in the holding up of Rajdhani Express on October 27, 2009.
The surrender, on Sunday morning, at the Purulia SP's chamber at the Purulia police lines, generated a lot of interest as Rabi Mandi is believed to be a member of the now-dreaded Ayodhya squad. Rabi told Purulia SP Sunil Chowdhury that though he is trained to handle INSAS and SLRs, he was not in front line actions. Rabi said he was part of a team that was involved in three encounters though he never pulled the trigger. Rabi, sources said, was forcibly taken away by the Maoists last year. He is a tribal from Balarampur Block's Dhangidih village.
Chowdhury said, "Rabi has surrendered. We will forward his case to the empowered committee as per the announced rehabilitation package for subsequent decisioning. We are enquiring into whatever he has told us. We will speak to him again. He wanted to surrender and approached us. As per the government policy, we acceded to his request."
In a related development, police picked up PCPA member Nirmal Mahato, 35, from his home in Jhargram's Nalbora late on Saturday night. Mahato, who runs a village grocery store, had reportedly played a key role in the Rajdhani hold up. He was produced before a Jhargram courtand remanded to five days in police custody.
Additional SP (Jhargram) Aloke Rajuria said, "Mahato is believed to have a hand in at least 15 cases, ranging from arson, murder and handling illegal firearms. He is being interrogated." Sources said Mahato - though not part of any active Maoist squad - had definite links with the red brigade.
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/kolkata-/Another-Maoist-surrenders/articleshow/10811056.cms
Discontent grows over Mamata govt Swati Garg / Kolkata November 21, 2011, 1:47 IST
he mandate of paribartan (change) that brought Mamata Banerjee to the chief minister's office in West Bengal seems to have taken a beating. Even as she completes six months at the helm, criticism is flying thick and fast in entrepreneurial circles here. While unwilling to openly say so, businessmen appear disillusioned with her style of administration. The new government, they say, is plagued by issues of inexperience, delay and also corruption.
For a city-based builder, growing corruption has meant an erosion of the faith he had put in Banerjee. "Bribery seems to have become part of the project approval discussions. It seems to have become expected and accepted. Also, earlier, where the work would be done with token cash transactions, the asking rates have seen a significant increase," he said.
The picture, he says, is a stark contrast to the promise of utopia Banerjee had painted. For approval on a 15,000 sq ft project expected to sell for Rs 75 crore, the asking rate is Rs 50 lakh. "This is a manifold rise in what one would have to spend earlier," the builder said.
The problem, says another businessman, is that the party is not regimented and there is no discipline. "Mamata is trying to do a lot of things. But, this is not how governance works. There needs to be delegation of authority. Also, there is no control over the lower rungs, who are trying to milk the opportunity for all they can," he said.
Another problem, says M K Jalan, chairman of the Rs 1,100-crore Kolkata-based Keventer Group, is that the government seems to be floundering with a lack of intent. "Discussions happen, but these seem to have become increasingly one-sided, where industry is expected to present its views, but there is no response or action from the government," Jalan said.
Some, however, feel it is too soon to pass a judgment. "I think six months is too short a time to call her a failure. I would give her more time to prove her points. But, yes, despite her best efforts, the state has seen zero investments in the past six months, possibly due to her land policies," said Sandipan Chakraborty, president, Bengal Chamber of Commerce.
He said part of Banerjee's problems emanate from the fact that her team does not have enough leaders to execute change. "It is necessary for successful governance that there is effective delegation of authority. This appears to be missing in Banerjee's administration," he explained.
http://business-standard.com/india/news/discontent-grows-over-mamata-govt-/456137/
Naxalism: Tribals – guinea pigs in an insane ideological laboratory
Akshaya Mishra Nov 17, 2011
It's time to bury that tired, overused thesis linking the growth of Naxalism to development grievances in the tribal areas. It's a hallow premise that has been peddled by the Left leaning intellectuals for far too long to all of us. Hallow, not because it is bereft of substance or truth—there's no denying poverty and deprivation in tribal areas—but because they have turned it, by design or default or through sheer intellectual laziness, into an instrument of exploitation of tribals by some who are accountable to none.
There's no plausible reason why a deprived tribal must turn to AK-47s to fight for his rights – we somehow have been forced to buy the explanation that the degree of deprivation is proportional to the degree of violence among tribals. It is difficult to comprehend why he must be defended vigorously when he goes on to kill people. It is not clear what exactly does a poor man in forests have to do with the thoughts of Stalin or Mao.
And finally, the questions: are the sections of the civil society vociferous in their support of the Naxals helping tribals by putting them in a situation of conflict with the government? Do tribals and Naxals mean the same?
Onlookers stand beside the wreckage of a security patrol vehicle that was damaged in a landmine blast in Bihar on 23 October 2010. Five policemen were killed and one injured when Maoist rebels blew up a security patrol. Krishna Murari Kishan/Reuters
Clearly, something beguiling in the whole narrative. The civil society groups and bleeding heart Naxal sympathisers would have us believe that lack of development, an oppressive lower bureaucracy and rampant exploitation of forests for minerals by private players are driving tribals to extreme action. The government at the Centre and states, of course, are the prime culprits with their alleged skewed policy priorities and general apathy towards forest dwellers.
But Naxals have been around for decades so have been the civil society groups engaged with tribals. What stopped the latter from playing a proactive role and bridging the gap between the government and the tribals? Where were they when the gun culture was spreading across what they now call the Red Zone? Innocent tribals were being killed by Naxals all this while and kangaroo courts were meting out barbaric justice by cutting off body parts of suspected enemies in villages in deep forests. They were blasting off railway tracks, killing civilians too.
Naxals have killed more people than terrorists in India. As many as 333 persons were killed in Naxal violence in the first seven months of this year. Last year, they killed 534. Most of those killed were civilians and lower rung police officials. Their sympathisers won't find anything amiss in that. After all, they are soldiers of ideology.
Maoists are the "biggest violators of human rights", said Union Home Minister P Chidambaram recently. It is easy to scoff at him or at Raman Singh, the chief minister of Chhattisgarh, or at Mamata Banerjee, the chief minister of West Bengal. They belong to the government or the establishment, if you please. But is it possible for the governments to intervene and establish order and development without taking control of the tribal areas first?
Naxals don't believe in development of tribals. They believe in power. That is the truth. Development or the lack of it is a carefully thought out slogan to attract sympathy from the wider society. Unfortunately, most fall for it. Had they and the civil society working in close proximity to them been serious, the country would not still be discussing tribal alienation today. Both have enough resources and committed members to change lives. The Naxals won't allow contractors to execute development projects in the forest areas. Why is that?
It's time the governments redrew their strategy. Half measures do not help. There cannot be a country within a country in the form of the Red Zone, neither can a set of ideology-driven people be allowed to have unfettered control over tribals. They must liberate the liberated zone, by whatever means. Naxal sympathisers can wait.
The civil society must get out of its intellectual comfort zone too. It helps the tribals better if the government is involved in their welfare; they can play a catalytic role in the process. And yes, they must stop using the words Naxals and tribals interchangeably. All tribals are not prone to murderous acts.
There must be progress on the issue of Naxals and tribals. The impasse should not be allowed to continue. It's bleeding the country.
http://www.firstpost.com/india/naxalism-tribals-guinea-pigs-in-an-insane-ideological-laboratory-133796.html
Vengeance of Converted Arya-Brahmins Upon Indigenous Dalit-Bahujans
Table of Contents : Part V
It is well established through the historical facts as well as DNA researches that the Arya-Brahminists are foreigners. Arya-Brahminists have made Bahujans refugees in their own motherland by evil political designs to satisfy their vengeance on indigenous Bahujans.
For Arya-Brahmin vengeance
Dalit-Buddhist Districts Were Gifted to Pakistan
Arya-Brahminists of communal-casteist Congress and communal-fascist BJP talk unendingly about "Akhand-Bharat". But in reality they are the very culprits of balkanizing India into pieces to safeguard Brahminism and Arya-Brahmin grip over the indigenous Bahujans and to avenge we indigenous Bahujans in worst possible manner.
Most of Zamindar of the Bengal had alliance with British and supported the British at the time of sepoy mutiny of 1857. On the contrary, ten thousand Dalit peasants had launched "NEEL VIDROH" revolt against the British imperialism. In the colonial period, the East Bengal Namosudra movement had been one of the most powerful and politically mobilised Dalit movements in India. In alliance with the Muslims, they had kept the Bengal Congress Party in opposition from the 1920s. The peasants of Bengali Dalit castes refrained from participating in Congress-led mass political agitations like the Non-Co-operation, Civil Disobedience and Quit India movements, led by Gandhi, because they were under the hegemony of the caste Hindu leaders. And then, finally, in the election of 1937 both Namasudra and Rajbansi voters rejected the Congress and the Hindu Sabha candidates and elected their own caste leaders in all the Scheduled Caste reserved constituencies. Namasudra and Rajbansi leaders, aspired to establish "the separate political identity" of the Scheduled Castes. The exclusion of the Bhadralok from power led to the Arya-Brahminist elite and eventually the Congress, pressing for the partition of Bengal at independence, so that at least the western half would return to their control.
Arya-Brahminists were successful in defeating Dr. B. R. Ambedkar in the hands of barely educated ordinary individuals with the help of non-Dalit voters of joint electorate and were running fierce worldwide propaganda that Dr. Ambedkar does not represent depressed masses of India since ordinary barely educated Dalits of Congress can defeat Dr. Ambedkar, therefore Dr. Ambedkar should be kept away from framing Indian constitution. But the Dalits of Jassor, Khulana, Barishal, Faridpur, Dhaka and Maimansingh provinces had elected Dr. Ambedkar in 1946 to constituent assembly and foiled Arya-Brahminist plan to demolish the reputation and self-respect of Dr. Ambedkar as leader of Depressed masses of India. Arya-Brahminist rulers of India to avenge Dalits handed over Namoshudra, Rajbansi, Paundraksatriya, Paundra, Pods, who are considered as par as the Namashudras, Chakma and other militant castes and tribes dominated and Muslim minority Jassor, Khulana, Barishal, Faridpur, Dhaka and Maimansingh province to Pakistan for their crime of protecting the self-respect of Dr. Ambedkar. In Chittagong hills 98% of Chakma believe in Buddhism through the ages. This is the only region devoid of Hindu or Muslim population. In spite of that the whole region was handed over to Pakistan by Arya-Brahminist rulers to establish their political hegemony in west Bengal.
On partition of India Dr. Ambedkar asked Dalits of Pakistan to come to India {and become part of the Bahujan struggle}. Congress government has destroyed the political protection of Dalits because in joint electorate, with the help of non-Dalit votes elected only Dalit stooges who served Arya-Brahminists and betrayed their own Dalit community. Therefore, Dr. Ambedkar always repented for signing Puna pact.
Arya-Brahminists did not want that the Dalits of Pakistan join and strengthen Dalit struggle in India. Arya-Brahminists (Converted as well as not converted) wanted that religious minority should remain in India and Pakistan to keep on communal tension; divide, victimize and create their genocides within and between the partitioned countries. Therefore, Jinnah allowed Arya-Brahminists to go to India but did not allow Dalits. He issued a decree that menial jobs are essential services and he did not allow Dalits to meet organizations helping Dalit immigration. Nehru did not give heed to the request of Dr. Ambedkar to clear the obstacles of Dalits coming to India. Mahar battalion managed to bring some thousand Dalits to India.
Persecution of Dalits In Pakistan / West Pakistan
The population of Dalits in Pakistan is just 5%. The Hindu population is 20 lacs which is mostly in south Punjab of Sindh province. Among the Hindu population the Dalits constitute 70%. In spite of that the Dalits are living in hell of poverty while the Arya-Brahminists are traders and landlords in Sindh and are enjoying their wealth. Because the converted Arya-Brahminist rulers of Pakistan did not give reservation separately to the scheduled caste but gave reservation for Hindus as a whole, the Arya-Brahminists have grabbed all the Hindu seats. (Dalit voice, 16-30 April 2004) Due to lack of education and awareness Dalits are under the influence of Brahmin religion and live as agricultural labourers under the hegemony of Arya-Brahminists. This is most apparent in Mirpur khas division where Dalits number more than 10 lacs. Though the Arya-Brahminists are few they are successful in holding Dalits in their strong grip with the help of converted Muslim Arya-Brahminists rulers and officers who are their relatives. In Pakistan, the common Dalits know nothing about Brahmin religion except Manu's words that they are born to serve the Arya-Brahminists to improve their status in next life. The converted Arya-Brahminists do not attempt Dalits to get converted in to Islam because they do not want that the Dalits should become their social equals in case they come into Islamic fold. No religion has taken any initiative to pull them out from the vicious circle of casteism. The land lords and police officers have humbled the Dalits by their terror. Whosoever has resisted was beaten and persecuted in various ways. The Pakistan government does not pay attention to the atrocities on Dalits of Tharparkar. The police, prosecution, doctors and judiciary work in coordination against the Dalits. The Dalits find it very difficult to lodge a police complaint against the atrocities, particularly against the criminals and the powerful persons. Sadhu Meghwal, a youth of Babrario village was killed and his body was thrown in to well by the Arya-Brahminists. His relatives and family members were threatened and instructed to keep away from this incident. Police closed the case calling it a case of suicide. In Diplo Taluka, the Arya-Brahminists of a particular party raped a Dalit girl at gun point. Her brother who tried to stop them was severely beaten and severely tortured and threatened to keep away from the incident. The theft of livestock of Dalits in Tharparker is rampant as police never registers any such case. The incidents of atrocities and caste-based discrimination on Dalits are increasing day by day in Tharparker a district where 35 per cent people belong to different Dalit communities among a million people because of growing awareness and assertiveness of the Dalits. Mr. Gyanchand (Engineer), a Dalit leader contested for provincial Assembly election on 12th October 2002 against the Arya-Brahminist candidates. As a result Arya-Brahminist officers on the false pretexts transferred several hundred Dalits to extreme remote jungle area. False cases were registered against the politically aware Dalits Their relatives living in the town were threatened. They were not allowed to feed their cattle on the government barren land. The Dalits were stopped from voting at the polling day. Whosoever resisted was severely beaten and threatened. These few instances make it clear that whenever Dalits show some awareness about their human rights, how they are persecuted. Caste Hindu converts have changed names but not minds. (Sadhumal Surendar Valasai, Scheduled Castes Federation of Pakistan; http://www.countercurrents.org/Plight Of Dalits In Pakistan By Yoginder Sikand.htm See also http://www.greatestcities.com/pakdalits' Journal.htm) In Sindh province of Pakistan 18 lacs agricultural labourers who are Dalits mostly are living like bonded labourers in debt. Many of them work in brick-manufacturing furnaces where these Dalit families are kept like the prisoners so that they do not run away. The anti-bonded labour law of 1992 is ineffective. (Dalit voice, 16-30 April 2004)
Following news make it is obvious that Bengali Dalits are persecuted in Pakistan (former west Pakistan)
1) Immediately after the creation of Bangladesh, many Bengalis came to Pakistan because of their affection for a 'Muslim state'. They supported of Pakistan government during the war. Life in Bangladesh became impossible and dangerous to them after 1971. These low-income Bengali-speaking people live with misery and threat in Zia ul Haq Colony in a forgotten, neglected corner of metropolitan Karachi. Narrow tiny alleys, a nasty polluted environment, unhygienic living and poor facilities of accommodation are the first thing you notice about The Lyari river that carts effluents from industrial waste to the Arabian Sea is their constant companion. They are not even recognized as refugees by the government. As a result, they have to deal with regular threats from police who use their helplessness to fill their own pockets. They live day to day with the NADRA provided temporary work permits with insecurity of both life and wealth. How Bangla-speaking people could be called illegal immigrants since they had been living in Pakistan for decades and at least 84 Bangla-speaking people had become elected councillors in the last local government elections. Though these Dalits held residential documents they were facing problems getting computerized national identity cards (CNICs) and passports.
Persecution of Bengali Dalits In East Pakistan
As a result of handing over Jassor, Khulana, Barishal, Faridpur, Dhaka and Maimansingh province to Pakistan by Arya-Brahminists, Mahapran Jogendra Nath Mandal believing the promises of Muslim league had to become Pakistani national and become law minister of Pakistan. He framed many laws in the interest of Dalits but converted Arya-Brahminists of Pakistan did not fulfil their promise to grant Dalits separate electorate. Muslim league started showing its communal fangs. The property of Bengali Dalits was destroyed and looted, they were killed, their women raped, molested and humiliated in Muslim League sponsored communal riots of 1948. In December 1949 whole Pakistan was burning in communal riots. The genocides committed during partition were nothing before the genocides and inhumanity of these riots. Communal riots of 1950 in Pakistan proved that Pakistan was not a safe place for Dalits.
Jogendranath Mandal toured riot hit areas and criticized role of police and antisocial elements. Prime minister Liyakat Ali objected his criticism and officially censored it. All the agreements meant to protect Dalits were thrown in to dustbin. The representation of Jogendranath Mandal to Jineva international labour conference was deliberately stopped. Jogendranath Mandal was banned to deliver any statement without the approval of prime minister. He was kept under round the clock vigil. The talk of Jogendranath Mandal with his colleagues use to get published in the newspapers of London. Whenever this happened prime minister asked him explanation. The naked reality explained by Mandal made prime minister answer-less. Prime minister with evil intention asked Jogendranath mandal to pass a censorship bill which ensures any person whether an officer or a common person 7 years rigorous imprisonment and or fine if he delivers statement against the interest of Pakistan. This bill was devised to lock the lips of Mahapran Jogendranath Mandal. Their relations deteriorated day after day. Jogendranath plainly told prime minister that if he wants he would resign from the minister's post.
During this time Mahapran had to go to India to attend to his son's serious illness. When his son recovered from illness he himself became ill. On 8th October 1950 Mahapran sent his resignation to prime minister of Pakistan in protest of persecution of Dalits in Pakistan.
According to Kripesh Namoshudra Casteism and untouchability is still observed in Bangla Desh (Former East Pakistan). On 7th October 2000 in a Brahmin controlled government school 38 Dalit students were expelled from school because they had dared to drink water from school tank because as these Dalit children were very thirsty. (P. 12, Dalit Voice, 16-30 November 2000)
The condition of Dalits in Bangla Desh is deteriorated more since BNP rule of Begum Khalida Zia. According to reports in Jankantha of April 2002 a Buddhist monk who was running an orphanage at Hingala Hill was beaten to death. Because he did not pay extortion amount and did not vacate the orphanage. In Ukiya one Buddhist Vihar was set on fire by the workers of ruling coalition. (Janakantha, March 23, 2002) In report of May 2000 it is said that in 1975 the 72% property of Hindus (read Dalits) is forcibly grabbed by members of ruling BNP. In year 1968 44% property of Dalits was forcibly grabbed by Awami league workers while 32% property was grabbed forcibly by BNP workers. (http://members.tripod.com/~INDIA_RESOURCE/slamic Pakistan, Bangladesh, crimes, minorities, human rights violations, Hindus, Christians, Buddhists, terrorism.htm)
During 1971 liberation war more than twenty lacs (2 million) Hindus (read Dalits) were massacred by the Pakistani army and Bengali Muslim Razakars. Physical elimination of minorities, kicking them out of their homes, raping and molesting their women, looting and usurping their properties had been encouraged by successive East Pakistan/Bangladesh Governments by enacting discriminatory laws. The minorities of Bangladesh were formally made second class citizen with the proclamation of 8th Amendment of the Constitution by making Islam as the state religion. Perhaps nowhere in the world such a protracted systematic operation to eliminate the minorities has been carried out for more than fifty long years; yet there is no sign of its end in near future. The population of Hindus (read Dalits) has gone down from around 25% in 1947 to less than 10% at present. Even today, on an average, 500 Hindus (read Dalits) leave Bangladesh for India everyday.
The persecution of Chakma Buddhists in Bangla Desh
The Arya-Brahminists converted to Islam have been persecuting Chakma Buddhists in every respect. Their religious freedom is crushed. They are severely beaten, kidnapped and killed, their women raped, houses set on fire, to grab Chakma property and land. Though the Bangla Desh government speaks of peace accord but whole government machinery acts in coordination against Chakma Buddhists. The government came in power in year 2001 made the life of Chakma Buddhists hellish.
The Manu-Media of India misinform the world to meet its Brahmin political interests by calling atrocities on Dalits and Buddhists of Bangla Desh and Pakistan as atrocities on Hindus. But no Arya-Brahminist organization or Arya-Brahminist ruled west Bengal government even done anything to help Dalits and Buddhist tribes of Bangla Desh. Politicians and intellectuals never raised their voices in any forum against this oppression and tyranny simply because these atrocities are committed upon Dalits by their converted Arya-Brahminist rulers of Bangla Desh. Therefore they have helped Bangla Desh Rulers to persecute Dalits.
Part VI
Arya-Brahmin Vengeance on Dalit-Buddhist Refugees in India
Table of Contents : Part VI
Arya-Brahminists rulers of India could not have had peaceful sleep till they avenge Bengali Dalits and Chakma Buddhists responsible for electing Dr. B. R. Ambedkar in constituent assembly. Therefore posing themselves saviors of Hindus and shedding crocodile tears over suffering of Dalits in Bangla Desh, the Arya-Brahminists asked Dalits to take refuge in India.
Vengeance on Chakma Buddhists
The Chakma are spread throughout north east as refugees. Majority of them are devoid of civil rights. In spite of signing of peace accord Chakma people are unable to return to their native places in Bangla Desh. Brahminists riding Indian government on the pretext of declaration of converted Arya-Brahminist government of Bangla Desh that the violence against Chakma is stopped are denying refugee status to Chakma Buddhists. The Chakma encampments in Tripura are not "refugee camps" as the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees would define them. They have none of the facilities available to, say, the Bhutanese refugees in the Jhapa camps of Nepal. The Chakma huts are of mud and thatch, and for years they have received from the Government of India a measly daily quota of 400 grams of rice, some salt, and 20 paisa on the side. Therefore, many Chakmas work outside the camps for wages lower than what the locals ask. This has created tension, and recently, the Tripura state government passed an order restricting the refugees to the camps. This year, for the first time since the Chakmas arrived in Tripura, refugee students were not allowed to sit for school-leaving examinations of the state education system. In India Chakma are made victim of exploitation, persecution rioting, rape, looting and killing. Chakma Buddhists do not have their organization therefore, their voice has remained unheard in the world.
Arya-Brahmin Vengeance on The Bengali Dalits
Arya-Brahminists riding the government of India put Bengali refugees in two categories e.g.. refugees came before 1950 (Bhadralok) and refugees came after 1950 (Dalits) to treat them discriminately.
1) Bhadralok or Arya-Brahminist refugees :- Almost all the refugees of first category who came in 1946-50 belonged to Arya-Brahminist community. They belonged to the landowning, merchant and professional classes. The reason for their exodus was not large scale violence as petty extortions, threats and, above all, economic boycotts as it was with Dalits. The reason for the exodus that the Hindu "Bhadraloks" of East Bengal were used to looking down on the Muslim masses therefore they could not bear the challenge to their superior social status, which arose in Pakistan.
Some managed to arrange property exchange with Muslim property owners, who were leaving West Bengal. Others found jobs or could practice their respective professions. Government servants posted in East Bengal accepted the Indian "option". A number of refugees brought some money, with which they started businesses. These upper caste Arya-Brahminist refugees were settled in colonies built for them in and around Calcutta (kolkata) and were helped in every respect.
2) Dalit Refugees :- Between December 1949 and February 1950, the picture changed. Violent communal riots, comparable with the carnage of Punjab and Bihar, took place in several districts of East Bengal, particularly, Khulna, Faridpur, Rajshahi, Barisal. This time, those who crossed the border were very poor and possessed very little except their labour power. Calcutta was almost transformed into a vast refugee camp. As a reaction, communal riots also engineered by Arya-Brahminists in Calcutta and about 1 lac (100,000) backward Muslims were forced to leave West Bengal. There was the likelihood of full scale war between India and Pakistan. Finally, in April 1950 the Nehru-Liaquat pact was signed, to pave the way for the return of the Dalit refugees. Nehru-liyakat Ali agreement insured Dalit-Buddhists that all the civil rights of refugees shall be protected whichever country (India and Pakistan) they take refuge.
Indian government was not able to provide refugees food, water, medicine and shelter to these refugees. The situation became so grim that Indian government had to send its two central ministers Mr. C.C. Biswas and Mr. A. K. Chanda to East Pakistan to stop the flow of dalit refugees. They told Dalits of Bangla Desh not to migrate to India; however the doors of India shall remain always open for them. This promise was repeated by all the leaders of India.
The refugees set up squatters' colonies in many areas. The land belonged to land owners and speculators. There was waste land belonging to the garden house of the landlords. The owners of the land attacked the inhabitants fiercely. There were fierce battles with the hired goons of the landlords, often backed by the police. The Arya-Brahminist government passed eviction laws, with the purpose of helping the landowners. The refugees fought back with great courage, refusing to yield ground. Dalit refugees were ready to pay a reasonable price for the land, in easy instalment. The Arya-Brahminist Government took the side of the landowners but could not risk driving vast dalit masses due to political compulsions. Arya-Brahminists riding the government in fact wanted to avenge Bengali Dalit refugees therefore they did not provide any of the facilities (mentioned by Dr. Subodh Biswas on p. 9) that were provided to Punjabi and Sindhi Arya-Brahminist refugees of west Pakistan.
Arya-Brahminists riding the government of India instead of rehabilitating Bengali Dalit refugees in west Bengal demonically spread them in the most difficult jungles and marshes of Maharashtra, Orissa, Chhattisgarh, Bihar, Zarkhand, Uttaranchal, Andaman Nikobar in places unfit to live. The Arya-Brahminists wanted to 1) ensure that the Arya-Brahminist (Bhadralok) political power in west Bengal remain intact, 2) that these Bengali Dalits become victim of wild animals and diseases, 3) to make strong unity and organization of Bengali Dalit immigrants impossible. The Dalit refugees had been scattered all over in India with an objective to annihilate the main dalit force like Namoshudra and Paundras. Thus, the Arya-Brahminist leadership of Bengal and India diluted the national dalit movement launched by Baba Saheb Ambedkar and Jogendra Nath Mandal. 4) to keep them away from national stream of Dalit movement, and 5) to avenge thus weakened Bengali Dalit refugees in worst possible manner. 6) Namoshudra Dalits are recognized as scheduled castes in Bengal, Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya, Orissa and Tripura. But in other states they are not recognized as Scheduled castes. They are included in general category to deprive them from their legitimate right of reservation (representation).
Bengali Dalit refugees usually live in the slums built of shanties near railway lines, roads, water drains, marshy lands and other such unhygienic places unfit to live devoid of civil rights. They work as domestic servants and exposed to all kinds of exploitation and state repression and demolition of their shanties. Under such impossible conditions Bengali Dalits were compelled to move from one place to other to earn their bread. During this period of such a long exodus they not only lost their language and culture but also lost documents of their original identity. Due to Brahmin-demoncracy of India indigenous Bengali Dalits have became beggars in their own country while the foreigner Arya-Brahminists who have always betrayed India have became its rulers.
Flow of Dalit-Buddhist refugees from east Pakistan and then formed Bangla Desh never stopped. In year 1964 widespread communal riots were engineered against Dalit-Buddhists. In year 1971 the dispute between east and west Pakistan which resulted in formation off Bangla Desh with the help of India, a large scale violence was engineered against Dalits and Buddhists resulting in the inflow of refugees in crores. In spite of the fact that the violence against Dalits and Buddhists did not stop even after the formation of Bangla Desh leaving no alternative for them than migrate to India, as a result of the agreement between then prime minister Indira Gandhi and Mujibur Rehman registration of refugees in India was stopped and rehabilitation ministry was closed.
Arya-Brahmin Fake Communist Leaders
Used Dalit Refugees as their Political Pawns
Bengali Dalit refugees were initially unenthusiastic about the left parties and naturally drawn towards the ruling Arya-Brahminist Congress. Gradually they were disillusioned and actively joined the Arya-Brahminist leaders of left parties who launched a {fake} campaign to rehabilitate Dalit refugees in West Bengal itself and opposed the plans of their own Arya-Brahminist brothers of ruling Congress to rehabilitate Bengali Dalits in Andaman, Nikobar, Dandakaranya and other states. Bengali Dalit refugees were used by the left parties as pawns in their power game. To lure Dalits at a time Arya-Brahminist communist leader Jyoti Basu took a trip to Chhattisgarh and promised Bengali dalit refugees to rehabilitate them in Marichjhanpi in Sunderban of West Bengal. The Dalit refugees extended their wholehearted support to the Arya-Brahminist led left front in their political mobilization. The Dalit refugees were of great help not only in mass demonstrations but also during election battles. It was the number, enthusiasm and initiative of Bengali Dalit refugees that enabled the Arya-Brahminists of left front to counter the money power of the Arya-Brahminists of the Congress. It was the Bengali dalit refugees who brought the left to power in West Bengal. As late as 1974 Jyoti Basu had demanded in a public meeting that the Dandakaranya refugees be allowed to settle in the Sundarbans. In 1974-75 leading members of the subsequent Left Front government, including Ram Chatterjee, had assured the refugees that if the Left Front came to power they would arrange their resettlement in West Bengal and at a meeting of the eight Left Front parties in 1975 it was resolved that the refugees would be settled in the Sundarbans. In 1977, Bengali Dalit refugees who had been promised permanent plots and a life of respectability in countless communist election manifestos in West Bengal before 1977, genuinely believed their misery had ended in 1977.
In 1977, when the Left Front came to power, they found their refugee supporters had taken them at their word and sold their belongings and land to return to West Bengal. In all, 1,50,000 refugees arrived from Dandakaranya expecting the government to honour its word. The Arya-Brahminist led communist government started to forcibly send them back. Many refugees however managed to escape to various places inside West Bengal. But after Bengali Dalits reached Bengal, they realised the Arya-Brahminist government of Marxist communist parties had no plans for them. They had no choice but head for uninhabited parts and scrounge out an existence on the islands in the Sunderbans.
Bengali Dalits Converted
Marichjhanpi Their Heavenly Abode
From the month of May the same year about 30,000 Dalit refugees, under the leadership of Satish Mandal, president of the Udbastu Unnayansil Samity, a former close associate of the Communist Party's refugee programme, sailed to Morichjhanpi and set up a settlement there. Morichjhanpi island, being 125 square miles, was so big that the refugees were keen that the islanders join them so as to improve the dire economic situation of the Sundarbans region as a whole rather than squabble over land which, being neither fertile nor theirs to distribute, was not worth fighting over. In contrast to the ruling elite of their villages, composed essentially of large landowners who aspired to migrate towards Kolkata, the Sundarban islanders developed fraternal bonding with the Dalit refugees. They saw the East Bengali Dalit leaders as more apt to represent them. This was because they both were poor, rural, and low caste and hence not afraid to take up manual work, such as fishing, and knew, through the twists of fate what it was like to fight for their rights. The Dalit refugees were better educated and more articulate and because, having lost everything, they were having the moral courage to face the Kolkata ruling class with their rural concerns.
The settlers – both refugees as well as islanders who had come from the adjoining villages, initially built some makeshift huts along the cultivated area of the island. Most of them survived by catching crab and fish and with the help of the islanders, by selling their products in the nearby villages. The islanders often expressed their great admiration (awe) at the way the East Bengali Dalit refugees rapidly established Morichjhanpi as one of the best-developed islands of the Sundarbans – within a few months tube-wells had been dug, a viable fishing industry, saltpans, dispensaries and schools established.Stories abounded about the spirit of bonhomie and solidarity between Dalit refugees and Dalit islanders whose similar experiences of marginalization brought them together to bond over a common cause which was to fight for a niche for themselves; this would become a metaphor for the reclamation of 'voice' in the new West Bengal. The villagers explained the refugees' bid to stay on in Morichjhanpi as a dignified attempt to forge a new respectable identity for themselves as well as a bid to reclaim a portion of the West Bengali political rostrum by the poorest and most marginalized.
Massacre of Morichjhanpi Dalits By the Arya-Brahminist Fake Communists led left Front of W.B.
Despite this display of self-help and cooperative spirit, the Arya-Brahminist Jyoti Basu government persisted in its effort to clear Morichjhanpi of the settlers. Jayanta, an islander who had gone there as a young man with his wife and baby child reflecting on the hope the arrival of the settlers had brought them, had longed to start a new life in Morichjhanpi where for once, the aspirations and rights of the lowest would be established. But he and his family had barely been there five months when their shack was burned down by the police. He wondered why the government was bent on reclaiming Morichjhanpi for tigers when it wasn't even part of the tiger reserve. The other sore point was that the refugees had been promised land in the Sundarbans.
Dalit refugees were looted, their female flock was raped. The media started to underscore the plight of the refugees of Morichjhanpi and wrote in positive terms about the progress they were making in their rehabilitation efforts. Photographs were published in the Amrita Bazar Patrika of the February 8, 1979 and the opposition members in the state assembly staged a walkout in protest of the government's methods of treating Bengali Dalits. Fearing more backlash, and seeing the public growing warm towards the refugees' cause, the chief minister declared Morichjhanpi out of bounds for journalists and condemned their reports saying that these contributed to the refugees' militancy and self-importance and instead suggested that the press should support their eviction on the grounds of national interest (read Arya-Brahminist interest). For greater protection, the 30 launches were covered with a wire netting and police camps were established in the surrounding villages.
After the failure of the economic blockade (announced on January 26 – an ironical twist to Republic Day!) in May the same year, the government started forcible evacuation. Thirty police launches encircled the island thereby depriving the settlers of food and water; they were also tear-gassed, their huts razed, their boats sunk, their fisheries and tube-wells destroyed, and those who tried to cross the river were shot at. To fetch water, the settlers had now to venture after dark and deep into the forested portion of the island and forced to eat wild grass. Several hundred men, women and children were believed to have died during that time and their bodies thrown in the river. Jayanta, remembered how when the refuges saw their children dying of cholera and starvation they tried to break the cordon formed by the police and the military launches. A 'war' was on, one group fighting with wooden arrows and stones, the other with guns, and loudspeakers. As one islander put it, the launches started looking like 'stinging swarms of floating beehives'. On the January 31, 1979 the police killed 36 persons in firing. Journalists and opposition political leaders were disallowed from entering the vicinity of the zone selected for the operation. The killing fields lay on an island on the muddy river. The police was efficient enough to seal off the place with motor boats. Journalists could only hear the gunshots and cries of people from a distance. We shall never know exactly how many people lost their lives. According to many of the islanders only 25 per cent of those who had come to Morichjhanpi left the island alive. Those killed in the Morichjhanpi massacre are yet to find justice, and their stories yet to appear in histories. The massacres of Dalits by CPI-M led communist government can be compared with the massacres committed by Yahya khan in East Pakistan and Hitler in IInd world war.
Based on Sikar (1982) and Biswas' (1982) pieces, Ross Mallick estimates that in all 4,128 families who had come from Dandakaranya to find a place in West Bengal perished of cholera, starvation, disease, exhaustion, in transit while sent back to their camps, by drowning when their boats were scuttled by the police or shot to death. How many of these deaths actually occurred in Morichjhapi we shall never know. The ease and brutality with which the Arya-Brahminist communist led left front government wiped off all signs of the bustling life which had been built there in the last 18 months were proof for the villagers that they were considered completely irrelevant to the more influential urban Arya-Brahminist Bengali community . In two weeks' time all the plots had been destroyed and the refugees 'packed' off. Now half-broken embankments and the few fruit trees planted by the settlers during their stay remain as the only vestiges of previous human habitation on Morichjhanpi, the rest has been reclaimed by the forest.
These brutalities of the government was possible because it was backed by the Arya-Brahminists who perceived the refugees and the Sundarbans islanders as lesser beings. These events were recounted as a 'war' between two groups of people, one backed by state power and modern paraphernalia, the other dispossessed and who had only their hands and the spirit of companionship. 'We Dalits were vermin that our shacks had to be burned down?' asked Dalits.
'Organizer' In February 1979 wrote that the Marichjhapi massacre has been "forgotten" in Bengal because the Marxists were very successful in making the West Bengal intellectuals prostitutes after petty jobs and government housing plots. This much vengeance on bengali dalits did not satisfy the blood-thirst of Arya-Brahminists so the …
Arya-Brahminist Fake Communists led
Left-front of W. B. made Dalits Tiger-Food
The corpses Bengali Dalit refugees killed by police gave tigers the taste of human flesh. Tigers initially were afraid of people. They shared the products of the forest and rivers with people. But now, due to the legitimizing of Dalit killings in the name of tiger protection by the ruling elite they had begun to treat the Dalit islanders as 'tiger-food. The tigers, taking the cue from the Dalit killing by 'Arya-Brahminists' had started feeding on indigenous Dalits. Man-eating became part of the tiger's nature.
In the early days, tigers, did not reproduce quickly. As the government gave them fertilizing injections, their reproduction rate had gone up. Arya-Brahminist led left front government hides the true figures of tigers and always quote ridiculously small numbers". Whether the indigenous Dalit islanders lived or died made no difference to W.B. Government because Dalits were just 'tiger-food'. "They have created hybrid tigers which are even more dangerous" said an islander. Getting killed by a tiger in the Sundarbans in the 1980s was a terrifying prospect for family members, co-workers, even the entire village, of those who worked in the forest. The victim's body had to be abandoned in the forest for fear that the forest officials would get to know about it. The new widow and the victim's children were forbidden to cry and taught to say that their father had died of diarrhea because if exposed, the family members were exhorted to pay for the dead trespasser, and were, in effect, treated like criminals.
The fact that the same government that once declared refugee resettlement in the Sundarbans illegal and did not hesitate to wipe out all Bengali Dalit refugees of Marichjhahpi island in the name of protecting the forest reserves, now seemed to be ready to install a nuclear power plant and risk the much-vaunted resources of the Sundarbans proves beyond doubt that the Dalits massacre was performed by Arya-Brahminists led left front only to avenge Dalits.
Arya-Brahminist leaders of Communist party has a long history of betrayal with the people's struggle. They had betrayed Telangana revolt of farmers in the protection of Brahmanism. The Arya-Brahminist leaders of Communist party had betrayed Dalit refugees by separating themselves from revolt of Dalit refugee farmers in 1958 in Uttar Pradesh. Similarly, during the sixties and seventies communist parties flinging Dalit refugees in movement against Mahajans and money lenders had separated themselves from this just struggle of Dalits. In late sixties the communists in terai played the role of landbrokers in the same way as chief minister Buddhadev is doing it in West Bengal on full scale. In Bengali Refugee areas the communist villages were Netaji Nagar, Vijay Nagar, Pipulia, Chandipur, etc. Most of the communist peasants in these villages lost their land and Arya-Brahminist leaders had their hand. With these examples of the betrayal of Arya-Brahminist communist party leaders Hon. Pulin Biswas had asked his Dalit refugees not to go to Marichjhanpi because there shall be no place for Dalit refugees in West Bengal. Therefore no Dalit refugee from Uttar pradesh went to Marichjhanpi.
After receiving every support of Mahapran Jogendranath Mandal in elections, the Arya-Brahminist leaders of communist party always ensured that the Mahapran Jogendranath Mandal is defeated in every election and he could be established as a failed leader. The Arya-Brahminists riding the government also jailed Mahapran Jogendranath Mandal in 1959 for raising the voice in support of Dalit Bengali refugees. Mahapran died on 5th October 1968. The Bengali Arya-Brahminist leadership never demanded citizenship for the refugees.
Bengali Dalits labeled As
Alien Intruders for Persecution and Exploitation
According to the law passed in 1955 in parliament every partition affected person who come to India shall be considered as Indian national. Their children born in India shall be natural citizens of India. Those who have left India and settled in foreign countries shall not be treated as Indian citizens. Above law was against the interest of Arya-Brahminists because with the right of citizenship Dalit Bengali refugees shall have voting right and they will oust Arya-Brahims joining hands with OBC, Muslims and Adivasis after realising that the only aspiration of Arya-Brahminists is to avenge Bengali Dalit refugees. Bengali Dalit refugees had raised the slogan"vote ours, rule yours shall not be tolerated" Therefore Arya-Brahminists of all parties like Congress, BJP, Communist parties etc. unanimously passed a black law "citizenship Amendment Act 2003″ without any discussion on it on 9th January 2004. This bill ensures that the two crore indigenous Bengali Dalit refugees are converted in to alien intruders in their own country.
1) Any person of the world is entitled to apply for citizenship of India but this Bill says that under no circumstance the refugees from Bangladesh can get citizenship of this country. The Bengali Dalit refugees are declared not-eligible to apply for Indian citizenship. According to earlier rule the Hindu refugees were entitled to live in India. This permission was also withdrawn. This is defying Indian constitution because it does not allows discrimination on any ground.
2) According to this law the Bengali Dalit refugees living in this country for last fifty years or more and children born to them during 1971-86 shall also be treated alien intruders and shall be driven out of the country after penalizing and persecuting them. Arya-Brahminists of India have conveniently forgotten that according to international law a child born in any country has natural right to become citizen of that country. This exposes the beastly Arya-Brahminist Demon-cracy of India.
3) Persons living in India without valid documents from Bangla Desh (East Pakistan) shall be treated as alien intruder and shall be entitled for punishment in cash of Rs. 50,000/- and imprisonment of 5 years. After that they shall be driven out of the country.
Refugees coming from east Pakistan did not require to obtain any passport or other document till 1952 because the border was opened for them. This is very much recorded in Nehru-liyakat agreement. Majority of the Dalit Bengali refugees due to inconveniences and lack of facilities in refugee camps were compelled to scatter different places, do labour and live in shanties made of grass and straws. For bread they had to migrate from one place to other after demolition of their shanties by municipal authorities. How can anybody maintain and produce such document after such a long period when their 2nd and 3rd generation is also living in India ? In the Murshidabad district of West Bengal more than ninety percent of the population (including non-refugees) could not present the required documents to prove their citizenship.
A systematic process to disenfranchise the poor is at work so that they have no voice in democratic governance or decision making any more. Thirteen lac names have been deleted in Bengal from the electoral list in last assembly elections as the poor hut dwellers could not prove their nationality. The same process speedened throughout the county by the Arya-Brahminists riding governments will disfranchise all poor people having no nationality proof. It is not only the human rights of "illegal migrants" that is under threat at present. All marginalized groups, as well as large sections of the informal working class, are being pushed to the edges of society. Much of this is being done in the name of 'protecting the environment' or 'beautifying the landscape' or 'preserving our heritage'.
4) To tell Dalit Bengali refugees that they are sub-animal creatures, Arya-Brahminists riding the government of India has granted dual citizenship to their Arya-Brahminists who have settled in foreign countries and become foreign nationals. In addition to that 15% seats in educational institutes of India are reserved for them. But the Dalits whose forefathers shed their blood for the liberation of India their children of undivided India can not have Indian citizenship.
5) According to following news the Arya-Brahminists are sensitive in granting citizenship to their Arya-Brahminist refugees but reluctant to grant the same to the indigenous Dalits of this country :-
i) It is estimated that over 17,000 refugees living in western Rajasthan are yet to be granted citizenship. As a result, a large number of the refugees who belong to the lower caste communities, have been denied rehabilitation under the SC/ST scheme, says the convener of the Pak Visthapith Sangh, Hindu Singhj Sodha. Incidentally, Gehlot's predecessor Bhairon Singh Shekhawat had taken up cudgels on behalf of the Sindhi migrants and helped to rehabilitate a group from the 1971 war. Way back in 1972, Atal Bihari Vajpayee had staged a protest against sending the refugees to Pakistan in Barmer and had been arrested for it. (The Times of India – Internet Edition Date: September 1, 2001 )
ii) The Arya-Brahminists have granted citizenship to their Arya-Brahminist brethren. The Indian state government of Rajasthan has started organizing special camps to grant Indian citizenship to thousands of Pakistan's minority Hindu nationals went to India on valid travel documents but refused to return now residing in the state. The camps were organized after the federal government approved the grant of citizenship to these people. The Gujarat state government will also follow suit. (Daily Times, 7 January 2005)
iii) The Centre has delegated powers to Gujarat government to grant citizenship to nearly 900 immigrants from Pakistan who have been residing in four districts of the state for the past several years. A senior Home department official told PTI that 900 refugees living in Ahmedabad, Patan, Banaskantha and Kutch districts, mainly of Sindhi and Koli community and those who have lived for a minimum of five years in India would be given citizenship. The applicants also have to give affidavits stating that they were giving up Pakistani citizenship and also had procured renunciation certificate. (New Kerala, 3 January 2005)
iv) Each year, 1,800 to 3,000 Tibetans flee from Tibet. Once The Tibetans fleeing from China reach the Tibetan Refugee Reception Centre in Kathmandu, they get entry permit from Indian mission. Since February 2002, the Indian mission here has been issuing them special entry permits to travel to India from Nepal. India continues to provide travel documents to Tibetan refugees in Nepal Currently, the embassy has been issuing 15 special entry permits a day, on an average. Indian embassy officials said they were not governed by Chinese or Nepalese reactions while issuing the entry permits. (IANS, Kathmandu, January 6, 2004, The New Indian Express, 7 January 2005)
6) Threatening of deportation to Bangla Desh, the Arya-Brahminists and their agents can use the poor Dalits and the Bangla speaking Muslims as bonded labourers, political campaigners and even can be compelled them to execute criminal intentions of the Arya-Brahminist exploiters.
7) As per the law of United Nation no person can live in any country without obtaining its nationality. Such a person is not entitled to receive justice and can not buy any property of that country. Whatever earnings he has made could be declared illegal. Therefore, the moment a child is born he comes with the right of nationality in that country. (Sangharshasathi Mulniwasi Bharat, 22 January 2006) Thus the Arya-Brahminists may deprive Bengali Dalit refugees everything they have.
False Arya-Brahminist Propaganda
Against Bengali Dalit Refugees and Indigenous Muslims
In order to isolate Bengali Dalit refugees from the other communities of Dalits of India Arya-Brahminist exploiters have been launching a fierce false propaganda as explained below.
1) False propaganda that :Bengali refugees are Pakistani Muslims. Because the Arya-Brahminist propaganda evil, fierce and false propaganda that the Bengali refugees are Muslim terrorists the Bengali Dalit refugees could not get any sympathy and help from common dalit masses. On the contrary they developed hate for their own Bengali dalit refugee brethen whose forefathers had protected self-respect of Dr. Ambedkar.
Arya-Brahminists have also have been launching fierce and false propaganda that the Assam Muslims are Bangla Deshi intruders
Assam Governor had alleged that about 6000 Bangladesh nationals enter Assam everyday. This allegation seems false because Muslims were about 40% when Assam was merged with India in 1947. Sizeable Muslim presence in Assam was in existence even before the advent of the British. Chief Minister of Assam Tarun Gogoi in a television interview asked Assam Governor Ajay Singh to provide facts to substantiate his report that 6,000 immigrants enter the state everyday. But the Governor surprisingly remained mum, as if, he did not hear the challenge of his Chief Minister. According governor's statistics 1,80,000 Bangladeshis enter Assam every month and in a year the figure will stand at 12,96,000. According to the census of 2001, the total population of Assam was 2,66,55,528. Among them, according Indian media, the Muslims constitute 30 per cent of the total population of the state. If so, their number now should be around 79,96,659. If one year's intrusion is added, the present number of the Muslims should reach at 92, 56,659. According to the census of 1991 Muslims were 63, 73,204. This proves that the Muslims of Assam are not immigrant or outsiders, rather most of them are the sons of the soil. Profulla Kumar Mohanta, who got to power after five thousand Muslims were killed in the state during the anti-settlers movement in the eighties despite hectic efforts failed to prove the Muslims as illegal in Assam. He ruled Assam twice, but found little Muslims illegal. For this reason, Mohanta had to tone down his anti-Muslim slogan.
After fall of Gurgobinda in the 14th century, many Ahom people adjoining Sylhet converted to Islam. During the British period, thousand of Bengali speaking Muslims were brought to and settled in Assam to bring arable lands under cultivation. The descendants of these Muslims now form 30% of the total population of Assam. These descendants of those Bengali speaking Muslims forgot their language and culture, but not their religion. This new generation Muslims of Assam feel pride to identify themselves Ahoms, treat Assam as their motherland, use Ahomiya language in their daily life, send their children to schools where Ahomiya is the medium of instruction. Other than their religious activities they are hundred per cent Ahoms. They cannot be branded as foreigners or Bangladeshis. So it is itself illegal and unjustified and mere violation of human rights to brand and harass the Muslims in Assam as illegal, outsiders or infiltrators.
According to press reports, at least, one lac soldiers of Indian Army are deployed in Assam. Six battalions of BSF, 10 battalions of CRP, five companies of the Punjab Police Commandos, and one battalion of State Rifles have been deployed in the state. One can have an idea if one looks into their names and figures. Ministry of Home Affairs, BSF:Organisation – total 157 battalions Artillery – 7 BSF Artillery Regiments, Water Wing Air Wing Signals Regiment 10 Frontier Headquarters 39 Sectors Assam Rifles: 41 battalions 3 Maintenance Groups Signal Unit Construction Company 9 Range Headquarters Indo-Tibetan Border Police: 29 battalions (4 specialist Battalions) over 35,569 personnel 755 Officers Other Paramilitary Forces: Coast Guard, Rastriya Rifles, Special Frontier Force, Central Reserve Police Force, Home Guards, Intelligence Agencies: National :- Research and Analysis Wing , Intelligence Bureau, Joint Intelligence Committee, Intelligence Agencies: Military: -Aviation Research Centre (ARC), Directorate of Military Intelligence, Directorate of Air Intelligence, Directorate of Naval Intelligence, Special Security Bureau Other outfits are : – All-India Radio Monitoring Service (AIRMS), Joint Cipher Bureau, Signal Intelligence Directorate, Law enforcement Agencies:- Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), Criminal Investigations Department (CID), Railway Protection Force, Rapid Action Force (RAF), Central Industrial Security Force (CISF), Narcotics Control Bureau (NCB), National Security Guards (NSG)-has a strength of 7330 personnel, Special Protection Group (SPG) All these agencies have strong presence in Assam. Moreover, India erected barbed wire fence along every possible point of 272km-long Assam-Bangladesh border. Heavy security forces have been deployed in those hilly areas where India could not yet erect the fence. Observation towers and posts are seen after every 500 yards.
Therefore propaganda of heavy Muslim infiltration in Assam is a political one, launched whenever national and provincial elections approach. This propaganda started only when Dalit Bengali refugees started coming to India to flee from persecution. The purpose of this false Arya-Brahminist propaganda is to 1) Hide from the Indian masses that the immigrants are Dalits so that they receive no help from their Dalits brethen of India 2) To hide from the masses that it is not the Muslims who capture and control the key positions of Assam, but the Arya-Brahminist-Banias who came from West Bengal, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Punjab and other states of India. 3) To speeden RSS agenda to spread communal tension and bake Arya-Brahminist breads on the pyre of Bahujans.
The toiling masses of Assam want to get rid of these Arya-Brahminist-Baniyas who came from outside states and became rulers of Assam. To frustrate this sentiment and divert their attention from the real Arya-Brahminist outsiders, the vested quarters let loose its operatives and agents in Assam and elsewhere in the region to create anti-Muslim sentiment. The utterance of Assam's Governor meant to start this hate campaign again. As a result a group of Dibrugarh-based youngsters got together to form Chiring Chapori Yuva Mancha (CCYM). Some other groups like All Assam Students Union (AASU), Asom Jatiyatabadi Yuba Chhatra Parishad, Tai Ahom Students Union and Motok Students Union also joined the campaign. It is well known in Assam that these student organizations are directly or indirectly controlled by RAW. The fear among Assamese is being created that non-Assamese are taking over jobs, land, and are also threatening to turn Assamese into a minority in their own state. This was a conspiracy of both the BJP and the AASU for their narrow political gain, which would ultimately lead to ethnic blood-bath. Various organizations have expressed concern over the harassment of the religious minorities and the attempts to revive the anti-foreigners' agitation in Assam under the garb of a campaign against illegal Bangladeshi migrants.
Forcible deportation of indigenous Muslims
In 1993, Narasimha Rao government launched Operation Pushback which authorized the police to pick up thousands of poor Bengali Muslims from all over Delhi and to send them to the border. Central Government has delegated its authority to State Government and State Government has in turn delegated it to the police. Such action is taken under Foreigners Act according to which, action can be taken on anybody's complaint without any adequate primary evidence. The onus is on then accused to prove that he is an Indian Citizen. Under the current law and Action Plan, the deportation order is passed without any hearing and without disclosing the reasons which led to the conclusion that he/she is a foreign national. 'Operation Push-Back' is being implemented in a highly improper manner. Within 10 days, the accused is judged as foreign national and taken to the border to be deported. This Act does not confirm to our Constitutional norms. If the Act itself is unjust, then how can one expect justice.
Bangladesh refused to accept these people – claiming that they were not Bangladeshis at all – and many were stuck in the no-man's land on the edge of the border. According to The Citizen's Campaign for Preserving Democracy, if you are a Muslim and Bengali is the language you speak, the Delhi police needs no further proof that you are an illegal Bangladeshi immigrant to be summarily deported.
Starting from 'Operation Push Back' in 1993, thousands of Bengali-speaking Muslims have been picked up from various working class settlements all over Delhi and forcibly pushed inside Bangladesh. It has never been clearly established whether these people were actually from Bangladesh or not. Instances from various parts of Delhi have shown that Indian citizens from West Bengal and Assam, working as rag-pickers in Delhi, were routinely arrested on the charge of being illegal immigrants. The findings also revealed that, The police relied solely and absolutely on the informer's word. All pleas and submission of proof by the detainees – of authoritative documents issued by agencies of Delhi government or the Union government – invariably fell on deaf ears.
The raids included swoops on the so-called illegal migrants in the dead of night and rounding up of men, women and children from theirbastis. People were not even given enough time to get dressed properly or collect their documents. During other times, family members, including minors, caught in the raid were forced to face the situation alone, without being reunited with their families. Many complained of being beaten and threatened when they began to plead their case. All pleas and entreaties of the detainees for a hearing were effectively silenced by physical assaults and verbal abuse. According to the conclusions of "Immigrants in Bombay : A Fact Finding Report." conducted by Shama Dalwai and Irfan Engineer , There have been several complaints of policemen picking up Bengali-speaking Muslims at random and abusing the procedure in order to extort money. There have also been complaints of policemen destroying documents on the ground that they are fake. Police declined to accept Bengali-language documents as proof of Indian citizenship and demanded an English version. Commonly used documents – like electoral identity cards, ration cards, school certificates, and certificates from MLAs and gram panchayats were not accepted. Informally, the study team was told that only documents showing proof of ownership of land are admissible. Given the economic status of those arrested and the fact that, in India, more and more migrants to Indian metros are landless labour, unable to eke out a living from daily wages, this is an unrealistic demand and cannot be met by any poor. It is strange that the Indian government is reluctant to accept other documents issued by its own departments. In a few cases, these documents were torn up by the state authorities on the specious grounds that they were false and fabricated. Police harass Indian Muslims to make some money. It is observed that those who had the financial means to offer and pay bribes were usually set free, regardless of any other proof. Interviewees recounted how those unable to pay bribes were detained and then (presumably) sent ahead. A rough calculation based on an average amount of Rs. 1,000 paid per individual to be freed suggests that there are considerable sums to be made, including the amounts extorted by the informer.
As per the Action Plan, the Foreigners Regional Registration Office (FRRO)/civil authority acts as the coordinating agency. The notification issued by the Delhi Administration in pursuance of its power under section 3 of the Foreigners Act, 1946, empowers the FRRO to scrutinize the proposals for deportation, and satisfy itself of their illegal status by providing the concerned person with a hearing. However, the study team did not observe the detainees being produced before the FRRO on any occasion during its visits over three months to the FRRO's office, although some rag-pickers mentioned that they were sometimes briefly produced before the FRRO. From the accounts of some detainees, it was learnt that the conditions of detention fall far below the prescribed national and international standards : –
1) In violation of national and international rules, both men and women detainees are kept together in captivity on the ground floor, i.e. the Baraat Ghar of Delhi.
2) The basic amenities provided here are woefully inadequate. There are only two toilets in the building, one of which is used exclusively by the police staff, and the other is shared by male and female detainees, in violation of their right to privacy.
3) Even to use the toilet facility detainees have to seek prior permission, which is refused sometimes.
4) Items of necessity, such as blankets, are inadequate. According to one narrative, a woman detainee who had two children asked for an extra blanket because one blanket was not enough for them in biting cold. Not only was she refused the extra blanket, but was also slapped across the face for her audacity. Other items of necessity, such as milk for the children, have to be bought from the police at excessive rates.
5) No regular visitation rights are available for the relatives of the detainees.
6) Detainees are not allowed to offer prayers (namaaz), in direct violation of Fundamental Rights (article 25, Constitution of India, that guarantees freedom to profess and practice religion).
7) Detainees are forced to perform odd jobs for the police, like washing their motorcycles, sweeping the floor, cleaning toilets etc., which will attract section 374 of the Indian Penal Code that proscribes unlawful forced labour.murga position, were routinely reported.
Right from roundup and arrest, to the supposed 'hearing' and deportation, no lawful procedure is being followed by the authorities. The entire process contributes to and manifests the criminalization and communalization of the state and the corruption of its legal and judicial institutions.
From the FRRO the arrested persons are taken to the MCD Ren Basera, where the police are waiting for them. They are kept at the Ren Basera until there are sufficient numbers to fill a railway bogie. Subsequently, they are taken to the Old Delhi railway station in closed vehicles and put aboard a train. The Delhi police accompany them to Malda station in West Bengal, from where they are transferred to a Border Security Force (BSF) camp.
Diplomatic protocol requires that when deportation takes place, the embassy or high commission or any other representative of the State of the country of origin of the deportee be informed about the decision. This has not been undertaken, resulting in a breach of international protocol.
As the Bangladesh Government is not even informed about deportation, their border security force BDR refuses to take them.Foreign Minister Mustafizur Rahman of Bangla Desh spelled it out by saying: "we will not accept (the deportees) unless the Indian authorities provide documents that they are our citizens"Still, Khaleda Zia, then Bangladesh's prime minister, said: 'They are not our headache since they are not Bangladeshis' (The Economic Times, October 15, 1992; see also Tribune, October 10, 1992).Bangladeshi Government calls the entire operation as 'Operation Push-In' as according to it the Indian Government seeks to push its citizens inside their borders. Any sovereign nation will find it offensive and violation of their sovereignty the manner in which 'Operation Push-Back' is being conducted unilaterally by India.The BDR therefore threatens that it would not hesitate even to shoot the people pushed into its territory.
Since the required procedure has not been followed, care has to be taken by the BSF that their counterparts in Bangladesh (BDR) do not know that the deportees are being pushed across the border. Hence, the deportees have to be released in batches of two, and that too in the middle of the night. Thus, it may take several days for the entire lot of deportees to be evacuated from the BSF camp, and during the entire time armed guards are deployed to ensure that the people remain concealed within the camp. The people, both men and women, remain completely at the mercy and whims of the guards. Several incidents of rape, sexual harassment and physical violence have been reported by those who have somehow returned from the border. When the people are forced across the border, all their possessions are taken away along with any signs that may point to their Indian origin. If they have any money, that too is taken away. The general trend appears to be to forcibly push the people into No-Man's Land, regardless of the weather, the condition of the people, and the terrain (jungle or river). They are warned that if they turn back they will be shot as infiltrators. Thus police atrocities become inevitable part of the whole operation as they feel that unless they are terrorized by atrocities, they will return. Therefore they beat men and rape women. This is highly condemnable and indicates that humanity is missing in the police force. This is mainly a result of undue responsibilities thrust on the police by the Government. As the end of 20th century is coming close, such inhuman treatment is unthinkable merely on the ground that the person concerned is not a citizen of our country. Following few examples shall make the situation crystal clear.
i) Indo-Bangladesh relations have been deteriorating for more than a year for several reasons, both commercial and political. The concerted and widespread attempt to push in Bangla-speaking Indian nationals on the plea that they are Bangladeshi intruders is the latest move by India to intimidate Bangladesh and bring it to heel. In the last week or so India has made at least 30 attempts to push in Bangla-speaking Indian Muslims. They have assembled several hundred helpless, indigent people along various border outposts and are holding them under the open sky in inhuman conditions. (Holiday frontpage, 31 January 2003)
On 31st January 2003. On this day a BSF vehicle arrived at the 147th pillar carrying 51 Bangladeshis (21 women and 30 men and children). These people were dropped off at the no-mans-land. On entering the Bangladeshi territory they were all violently beaten by the BDR officers of Kazipur who again drove these people towards the Indian side of the border. The local women from the Bangladeshi side of the border entreated the BDR not to beat the women; however, their fervent requests fell on deaf ears. To escape this beating all men barring three ran away while the women and children took desperate refuge in the bamboo forest by the Indian half of the border. The Indian BSF barred their re-entrance into Indian territory at gunpoint. The BSF created a human barricade to prevent the locals from the Indian side of border from offering any assistance or aid to these tortured and torment people. (By Krishna Banerjee & Purna Banerjee)
ii) As per the official estimate the number of people killed in BSF firing in South Bengal districts bordering Bangladesh more than doubled in the last one year. The victims are often branded as infiltrators, ISI agents and smugglers. Even women and children are not spared. The killing of a middle-aged woman by the BSF sparked some debates. Apart from often indiscriminate firings families trying to cross the border find themselves stranded in no man's land with both the BSF and the BDR claiming that they do not belong to their part of the world for want of legal papers. Our investigative report suggests that very few people in the border areas have evidences of citizenship. Sometimes to make a political statement they are rounded up by security forces of either side and pushed to the no-man's land as happened to 213 people, largely snake charmers in Satgacchi in early February. An overwhelming number of those stranded were children yet they were kept in bitter cold and many of them became afflicted with respiratory tract infection. (As the shadows lengthened, the officers walked back and so did the media team. (among these snake charmers) shrill voice though cut through: "saab, if possible, please tell our people back in Sabor that we are in the dire distress. ("Kinsuk Basu, Satgachi, Hidustan Times, February 4) Both India and Bangladesh have well-established laws of dealing with "aliens" and are signatories to any number of international conventions against torture of children and yet in practice hapless children in the borders are consistently victimized. The tension seemed to reach break point late in the morning; soon after the crucial sector command talks between the BSF and the Bangladesh Rifles (BDR) reached a stalemate. The BDR refused to let in the 213 gypsy snake charmers – stranded in no-man's land for a week. So there they stood, or rather sat most of the time, huddling together in severe cold in the open for six days and nights, with guns of the two forces facing each other.
In the past few years we have witnessed repeated border clashes where besides the government security forces, local populations on both sides have taken part in what one newspaper commented on one such occasion, this practice of people being "pushed in" or "pushed out" as "the dance of death". These villages are being encouraged to become "patriotic", take up lathis (sticks), tangis (broad-blade knives), spears, swords, and wherever made available guns, to strengthen the border, and "resist the illegal intruders". As news of the talks' failure spread, hundreds of Bangladeshi youths, who were waiting at the border, marched towards and swords and shouting anti-India slogans. Fearing an attack, the stranded gypsies began crying for help. Soon, hundreds of villagers from the Indian side rushed towards the zero line armed with bamboo sticks and stones. The BDR immediately positioned its forces and the BSF ordered its men to crawl closer. For a nerve-wracking 45 minutes, a showdown seemed certain, till both forces gradually withdrew. The BSF and the state government declared an alert along the border and rushed in more forces. "We have told the district administration to evacuate civilians in case there is firing," said DIG (Headquarters), (Narayan Ghosh, in Kolkata. Hidustan Times Correspondence, Satgachi/Kolkata/New Delhi, Hindustan Times, February 4, 2003)
iii) Aktar Ahmed of the Bangladesh interior ministry and head of the Bangladesh delegation at the two-day meeting in Dhaka said that we have expressed our concern over the killing of innocent Bangladeshis by Indian Border Security Force (BSF)," More than 50 Bangladeshis have been killed in the last six months by BSF," Most victims were innocent farmers working in their rice fields or tending cattle in Bangladesh territory along the frontier. The BSF said those it shot were smugglers or illegal intruders trying to slip through the porous border. (Reuters July 16, 2006 )
iv) "The BSF killed a middle-aged woman in cold blood a few months back when she went to give food and water to her son working in the field beyond the border fencing. Do they consider her a smuggler or an ISI operative?" retorted Forward Bloc MLA Gobinda Roy. A confidante of agriculture minister Kamal Guha, Roy was one of the conveners of a recent meet in Kolkata to protest 'BSF atrocities' in border districts. "You cannot fight infiltration or terrorism by terrorizing your own people," said state relief minister H.A. Sairani. He and Roy blamed BSF for running a "fiefdom" along the border. They accused the BSF of imposing 'dusk to dawn curfew' in border areas. "This is to facilitate smuggling and trafficking of men and cattle as both BSF and BDR border posts receive payment from border gangs," alleged Roy. (Biswajit Roy,Times of India, February 21, 2003, Page 1)
More and more policemen are being pulled away from their normal duties (i.e., the maintenance of law and order) and being told to concentrate on looking for Bangladeshis. Shiv Sena-Bharatiya Janata Party Government of Maharashtra has been deporting Bengali-speaking Muslim zari workers from Mumbai, branding them Bangladeshis. Muslim residents of Howrah, Midnapore, Hooghly and 24-Parganas districts are anxiously waiting for news from their relatives in Mumbai who are mainly engaged as zari, diamond, platinum and gold workers. Alauddin Mollah, one of them, told Frontline that he had not heard from his brother Salim Ali for over a month. He had heard about the raids conducted in parts of Mumbai where Muslim workers from West Bengal live.
The workers returning from Mumbai alleged that the Maharashtra Police made large-scale arrests of Muslims workers, mistaking all of them for Bangladeshi infiltrators simply because they spoke Bengali. "On July 9, the police raided a place under the Satra police station in Mumbai when my friends were asleep. The minute the police heard the terrified workers speak Bengali, they herded them into a van," Sheikh Dilwar, a resident of Bahira in Howrah district, said. Dilwar escaped being picked up since he was sleeping some distance away. News of the incident spread, and within days, almost all Bengali workers in Maharashtra left.
All district collectors in Maharashtra have been instructed to collect the data of the Bengali refugees residing in the state. The collectors in turn have issued a circular that all such persons to submit their citizenship documents within a month, failing which they would be liable for deportation. This has created anxiety among number of Bengali refugees that had settled in Bhandara, Chandrapur and Gadchirauli districts of Maharastra since fifties.
A crowd of about 3,000 people stopped the Howrah-bound Kurla Express from Mumbai at Ulubearia, 65 km from Calcutta, on the afternoon of July 23, demanding that a batch of 34 persons in the train be set free. These passengers, who included seven women, were Bengali-speaking Muslims, all zari workers. They had been "identified as Bangladeshis" and sent by the Maharashtra Government, with police escort, to be deported to Bangladesh at West Bengal's border town of Bongaon. A section of the crowd even climbed on to the train, and the Maharashtra police personnel who were in the train fired five rounds in the air. The Railway Protection Force (RPF) too fired blank shots. Those who led the protesters, claimed that the deportees had valid documents to prove that they hailed from Barast, Bangaon, Uluberia, Howrah and Panchla in West Bengal.
2. False Propaganda that Bengali Dalit Refugees are criminals and have terrorist links
L. K. Advani, the Deputy Prime Minister (also in charge of the Home portfolio {whom his own daughter in law Gauri accused of sexually exploiting and torturing her mentally), at a gathering of senior police officials in the Capital asked them to track down illegal migrants in the country, the Deputy Prime Minister in harsh and categorical terms said that India would not tolerate these migrants who, under the guise of asylum, indulge in nefarious activities aimed at destabilizing the nation and jeopardizing its security. Setting aside human rights considerations, Advani ordered the immediate deportation of these illegal migrants.
According to the conclusions of "Immigrants in Bombay : A Fact Finding Report." conducted by Shama Dalwai and Irfan Engineer 1) there is hardly any serious danger to our security from the so called Bangladeshi infiltrators. They do not cause any serious problem for our nation as is sought to be made out. The threat and danger is more a product of imagination of the protagonists of Hindutva than real. One field visit clears any such doubts. The filth and squalor in which they exists with their children amply demonstrates that they have come here only for survival. They are more concerned about how to feed their children and hardly have time to think about other issues.We also found the allegations that Bangladeshi immigrants participated in the communal riots as totally baseless. The neighboring Hindus were speaking quite sympathetically about them. During the riots, the neighboring Hindus had not felt any threat from them and were living peacefully in their neighborhood. Would there be such sympathy for them amongst the Hindus staying in the neighborhood if they had participated in the riots? Then why is the SS-BJP government trying to create illusionary danger from them. The issue of Bangladeshi infiltrators was raised by the BJP after demolition of Babri Mosque on December 6, 1992. When it was left without any issue to capture peoples attention. The issue was exploited even for the assembly elections in Delhi. The issue of 'infiltrators' could also pay rich dividends to enter North-East Region where the BJP has no significant existence so far.
3) False Propaganda that India can not tolerate burden of such a huge number of refugees.
This seems reasonable enough till you realize that nobody objects to immigration from Nepal. In fact, we actually encourage Nepalis to come and seek employment in India and have special laws in place that enable them to cross the border without passports and to work without visas. So, why are there enough jobs for Nepalis and not enough jobs for Bangladeshis? But why blame the BJP alone? The Congress is as responsible for creating the scare about illegal Bangladeshi immigrants.
According to the conclusions of "Immigrants in Bombay : A Fact Finding Report." conducted by Shama Dalwai and Irfan Engineer, the estimates about infiltrators is not only exaggeration but height of imagination. The refugee figures, are just concoctions. The falsity of such imagination is evident from the fact that there have been different estimates given at different times. There has been not much of a difference in the growth rate of population of districts adjoining Bangladesh and the rest of the country. Even if there are Bangladeshi immigrants, their number is not so much that it can affect our food grain stock or compete with our countrymen for jobs and other scarce resources. Because of the atrocities committed on Bengali Dalit refugees in India, no Bengali Dalits are coming to India from Bangla Desh. Mr. Mukhergee chairman of rehabilitation committee in his report submitted on 31st August on 1981 mentions that there are 5533980 refugees in Bengal. In 10 years the population grows to 20% therefore, it is expected that the said population of refugees should be over one crore. Because it did not happen it proves that after year 1971 negligible number of Bengali Dalits took refuse in India. Census report of India makes it clear that the population growth rate of Bengal has declined from 1.43% to 1.0% and now it is almost zero. This makes it clear that immigration of Bengali Dalits to India is stopped.
Those who have come to India for economical reasons have never demanded Indian nationality. Give all of them a temporary work visa and grant all those citizenship if they pay their taxes and remain good citizens. If America can flourish based on immigrants, we can also be open and generous.
How can Bangla Desh allow 2nd and 3rd generation of refugees in their country after the lapse of 35 years without any documentary proof that they are their citizen ? If the Arya-Brahminists of India had not made golden promises to Bengali Dalit refugees and prevented them from entering the country or had sent them at the very first instance to Bangla Desh, it would have communicated a message to Dalits that the Arya-Brahminists do not want them in India. Then the Dalits would have lived or died for their rights in Bangla Desh itself. Arya-Brahminists riding the government have conveniently forgotten that the Bengali Dalits contributed to the development of India for about 35 years and remain loyal to the country and have no contact with Bangla Desh in any form and who were the citizens of united India and are the victim of partition conspiracy of Arya-Brahminists which these Arya-Brahminists executed with un-matching brutality and shamelessness forcibly pushing them in no man's land to die with hunger, thirst, diseases or with the bullets of either BSF or BDF is an Arya-Brahminist brutality which is several hundred times brutal than the brutality of Zionist of Israel who are considered as the most brute demons.
Persecution of
Indigenous Bengali Dalit-Muslims is on !
Operation Pushback – and its equivalents in other cities – continues to this day even if the name has changed. It is still the responsibility of the police to round up illegal Bangladeshis and to send them back across the border. The Delhi Police, for instance, has ten Task Forces whose primary function is to scour Delhi looking for Bangladeshis.
In 2001, the BJP government in Uttaranchal had denied domicile certificates to the Bengali Dalit refugees settled in the state since early fifties. Some moneylenders turned land Mafia even grabbed their land with the help of police and officials.
Arya-Brahminist chief minister of West Bengal Buddhadev Bhattacharya vomited his hate for Bengali Dalit refugees saying that he will not tolerate Bangla Desh intruders since it affects the balance of social characteristics of the state. Earlier Mr. Buddhadev Bhattacharya, then West Bengal Home (Police) Minister said that the State Government would prosecute Bangladeshis found to be staying in West Bengal without valid papers and hand them over to the Border Security Force. He also pointed out that the Maharashtra Police had earlier pushed about 800 people back to Bangladesh from West Bengal's border areas without informing the State Government about the action. He asserted that West Bengal had always taken action against Bangladeshi infiltrators, but not in this manner. Mamta Banergee (Brahmin) opposition leader in more aggressive towards Bengali Dalit refugees. She tore the voter list of Gayghata assembly constituency before Loksabha speaker and declared to continue her agitation till the names of alleged Bengali Dalits are not removed. All parties led by Arya-Brahminists have the same inimical attitude towards Bengali Dalits.
Mr. Buddhadev Bhattacharya had to admit that the in "push-back" operation among the persons thrust into Bangla Desh border 70% of persons used to be Indian nationals. (Bhaskar, 3 June 2003)
In response to a petitioned filed by an Arya-Brahminist organization, the Delhi High court and the supreme court of India had ordered that at least 100 Bangla refugees should be identified each day and thus 3000 refugees should be deported to Bangla Desh.
Home Minister of India in his written reply to Mr. Ramdas Athawale and R. S. Gavai said that all the Bengali Dalit refugees who crossed over after 25th March 1971 shall be forcibly deported to Bangla Desh after they are severely penalized by the court.
According to a news the magistrate of Thane has pronounced 6 month's rigorous imprisonment to so called Bengali Dalit refugees (Samrat, 21 November 2005)
State Governments of India are rigorously implementing the court orders. BJP-BJD government of Orissa has issued notices to 1551 Bengali Dalits who are residing in Nakkal block of Kendrapara District since last 40-50 years, to leave the country within 30 days or they shall be deported forcibly to Bangla Desh. The BJP-BJD government without giving these Bengali Dalits any chance to offer any explanation declared them Bangladeshi intruders.
People of this area were affected by a cyclone in last 10 years which destroyed their documents and other valuables. Most of the Bengali refugees being illiterate and laborers and lacking awareness could not obtain copies of these documents as they had no political connections and they were living far away from the district capital. The government in spite of having records of their nationality in their respective offices was not ready to find them. The similar notices are served to Bangali dalits of Nabarangpur and Malkangiri district.
In Orissa the registration of new born babies in the refugee families are being denied birth certificates. In Orissa the registration of new born babies in the refugee families are being denied birth certificates. The Orissa government stopped no less than two hundred refugee children to sit in high school examination. Birth certificates are being denied to newborn babies. BPL card, ration Card, PAN, etc have been stalled. Names of refugees in the voters' list have been deleted en masse.According to Hindustan Times, government had asked people of Jiyaganj and Lalbag of Murshidabad to produce 19 documents in support of their Indian nationality. Over 90.60% persons did not have any of these documents. These makes it clear that these Indian nationals in the absence of these documents would be deported to Bangla Desh alleging then Bangla Deshi intruders.
Part VII
The Tamil Refugees of Shri Lanka
Some Background of Tamil Struggle in Shrilanka
Tamils are the indigenous people of Shrilanka. Sinhalese settled in Shrilanka in 500 BC. According to the 'Mohvansh' of Senhalese mythology Sinhal prince Jeet who had married to a Tamil princess brought Sinhalese to Shrilanka and rehabilitated them. (Dalit Voice, 1-15 October 2000, P. 14) Gradually with the favour of state power the Sinhalese became the ruling class of Shrilanka while the indigenous tamils became the exploited class.
After Shrilankan independence the policy of Sinhalization was followed very rigorously by the Sihalese rulers. Tamils were even denied the citizenship of Shrilanka. It became impossible for Tamil nationals to live in Cylone due to discrimination and persecution. In year 1970 the standardization law was framed to deprive Tamils from higher education. Tamil masses protested against Sinhalese oppression and evil tactics. {As a result, of barbaric repression and state terrorism, militant organizations of Tamil started emerging}. In year 1963 Tamil Tigers attacked Shrilankan army and killed 13 soldiers. In vengeance, Shrilankan army launched genocide of innocent Tamil people. In the November of 1984, Tamil gorillas attacked an army post and killed an army officer. In revenge Sinhalese army ransacked Tamil houses and set them on fire. In retaliation Tamil militants continued their attacks on Sinhalese army. In July of 1987 an accord was signed between governments of Shrilanka and India according to which it was agreed to form an autonomous Tamil state in the north east of Shrilanka and the amnesty and rehabilitation to Tamil militants. While framing and signing this accord Tamil masses and their organizations were not taken into confidence. Few of the militant groups surrendered their weapons but LTTE of Prabhakaran did not lay down their weapon. Prabhakaran called Indian government as imperialist and this accord as open injustice on the Tamils and demanded independent Tamil state (Tamil Elam) for the Tamils. Indian government boasted to wipe out the existence of LTTE in just 72 hours but failed to do so. (p.322, 326, 328, Udgaonkar, M.N.)
According to Hon. V. T. Rajshekar many followers of Dr. Ambedkar fell victim to the cunning and deceiving propaganda of Arya-Brahminists that the Buddhist of India should support the Sinhalese government and oppose the Tamils. These followers of Dr. Ambedkar did not think that if the Tamils are Hindu then why the Arya-Brahminists rulers who boast of Hindutva did not support Hindu Tamils ? Why the Arya-Brahminists riding the government of India is helping non-Hindu government against the Hindu Tamils ? When the Arya-Brahminists of India did not hesitate to break Pakistan and form Bangla Desh why the Arya-Brahminists riding the government of India are militarily helping Sinhalese in the name of saving the integrity of Shrilanka ? the answer for hypocritical behaviour of Arya-Brahminists lies in the fact that the struggle going on in Shrilanka is the struggle between indigenous Nag-Dravids and the racist Aryan Sinhalese. Therefore, the Arya-Brahminists of India and the Sinhalese Aryans (whether they are Buddhist or Christians) are avenging Tamil Nag-Dravids. (Dalit Voice, 16-31 July 2000) The organization Janata Vimukti Peramuna calls itself Marxist organization but it has earned bad name for its hate toward the Tamils. (p.349, Udgaonkar, M.N.) Because the Sinhalese are basically Arya-Brahminists therefore like their Indian Arya-Brahminist brethen they can be racist as well as {fake} Marxists.
Arya-Brahminists riding the government of India know very well that if Tamil Elam comes into existence, Nag-Dravid struggle will become very powerful in Tamilnadu as well and the Arya-Brahminist rule and their Brahminism in India may get severe setback. Therefore, Arya-Brahminists of Tamilnadu in the leadership of Brahmin Jayalalita as well as Arya-Brahminists of centre are opposing Tamil Elam. (Dalit Voice, 1-15 June 2000) Mr. Vaiko was imprisoned by Brahmin Jayalalita under POTA because he had spoken in support of Tamil struggle.
The Arya-Brahminists riding the government of India sent peace keeping army of indigenous Bahujans to Shrilanka and spent 100 crores per day. Out of 60,000 indigenous soldiers, 1200 were killed and 3000 were injured. (Dalit Voice, 1-15 June 2000) In this way Arya-Brahminists of India wanted to satisfy their vengeance by killing indigenous Tamils of Shrilanka and indigenous Bahujans of India in battle. But the Arya-Brahminists riding government of India were compelled to call back peace keeping force due to mass pressure.
As Mr. Puspa Nathan explains, the international media is being manipulated by Sri Lanka. All the news circulating in the international media has originated either from the Sinhala chauvinist press or from sections of the Brahmin owned Indian press. We have a duty to counter and expose this global misinformation campaign conducted by Sri Lanka with the help of sections of the Brahmin owned Indian press and some Trojan horses within our Tamil community. The Sinhala government has successfully silenced any truth coming out to the international media by the killings of Thinamurasu Atputhan, Kumar Ponnambalam and now Nirmalarajan. Sri Lanka has persecuted and intimidated every other independent newspaper and journalist – examples are Thinakural, Uthayan, the journalist Manicakavaskar, the Virakesari reporter and others. Even the unlawful arrest, detention and torture of Red Cross Official Mr. Kishore was part of a plot to silence the NGOs. Sri Lanka terrorism has even reached abroad. The killing of Elamurasu Gajan in Paris and the recent attempted attack on the eminent lawyer Ms. Karen Parker are a few examples. The recent SBS Australia TV program is yet another attempt to intimidate and silence even the few voices which are left abroad… (Tamilnation.org, Responding to Sri Lanka's Misinformation Campaign Sara Ananthan, 3 November 2000)
According to TamilNet : Sri Lanka's Army-backed Tamil paramilitaries are seeking recruits amongst Tamil refugees in Tamil Nadu, offering hefty salaries, an Indian news agency reported this week. The Eelam National Democratic Liberation Front (ENDLF), an India-based paramilitary group now operating in an anti-LTTE grouping under the Karuna Group, is seeking recruits from refugee camps and orphanages in southern India, an Indian website reported, citing local press reports. The recruitment is being conducted with the knowledge of India's external intelligence agency, RAW (Research and Analysis Wing). The ENDLF is being used by RAW as a rallying point of anti-LTTE groups. Sri Lanka's military has brought a number of paramilitary groups, including the ENDLF under one grouping to wage a campaign against the LTTE and its supporters. ENDLF cadres based in India have been rotating into Sri Lanka's Northeast on one-year visas issued by the Sri Lankan government to bolster the 'shadow war.' (tamilnet , RAW aiding paramilitary recruitment in India – report [TamilNet, June 25, 2006 01:15 GMT] )
Persecution of Shrilankan Tamil Refugees in India
After 1983, New Delhi followed a policy which had two characteristics — mediatory and militant-supportive. India deliberately created a political dimension with the Sri Lankan Tamil refugees to ensure that they become a leverage to the country's foreign policy vis-à-vis Colombo. One has to keep in mind the fact that the Tamil refugees were a leverage to India's foreign policy. After Rajiv Gandhi's assassination, the educational facilities for Tamil refugees were taken away from the Tamil Nadu government. (A homeland Denied, 'If Jaffna falls, there will be a flood of refugees to Tamil Nadu' by George Iype )
D. Ravikumar, who was appointed by the Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi, to submit a report on camp conditions said "Nobody seems to bother about their plight. The Indian Government is acting as if it is doling out alms to the refugees for their sustenance. The inmates of these camps are, at best, looked at with suspicion, and at worst, treated as criminals," (Daily mirror 28 June 2006)
The Sri Lankan Tamil Refugees fall into following three categories.
(1) Those in the Refugee Camps which number 133 as on date. There are about 65,000 refugees in them.
(2) Refugees who maintain themselves outside the Camps. Following the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi in May 1991, these refugees were directed by the State Government to register themselves in the nearest police stations.
(3) Refugees who have been identified as belonging to militant groups. They are at present kept in three Special Camps: (a) Tippu Mahal, Vellore Fort, Vellore, (b) Chingleput and (c) Mellur.
Currently, the Indian Government reports that there are about 1,60,000 Sri Lankan Tamil refugees in India of which about 76,000 live in refugee camps in Tamil Nadu and about 30,000 live outside these camps in cities and towns across Tamil Nadu. Other non-governmental sources believe that there are actually closer to 100,000 refugees outside the camp.
After the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi the Sri Lankan Refugees in India had to undergo severe ordeals. While the second category of the refugees escaped with mandatory registration in the police station with occasional enquiries and harassments by the police, the other two categories of refugees faced the worse. The plight of these refugees especially those in the Special Camps has been a source of deep concern for PUCL The security arrangements in these special camps are unprecedented and surpass the security arrangements in any of the central prisons in the state of Tamil Nadu. The persons in the special camps are not prisoners or convicts or under-trials or accused of any specific offence under Indian Penal Code. But these detainees in the Special Camps do not enjoy even the rights of the convict prisoners lodged in ordinary prisons. The reality of the persons detained in the camp is that they are under 24 hours detention in conditions which are worse then those prevalent in the Central Prison in India. As per the Commission Report, the inmates of the Tippu Mahal are not permitted to go out of the camp. The inmates are in RIGOROUS CONFINEMENT in the Special camp and the long detention has made the inmates desperate. In fact, even facilities of parole, which are generally available to convicts, and provision of coming out on bail available to under-trials is not available to the inmates. Visitors to the camp are restricted. By contrast, the prisoners in India enjoy a Constitutional guarantee of enjoying all fundamental rights within the prison walls. A person desirous of meeting the detainees in the camp has to make an application to the Special Tahsildar. The Special Tahsildar sits in the Collectorate several kms away from the Camp. The Special Tahsildar seeks the comments of the Superintendent of Police on the application and only thereafter permission is granted. Generally for the papers to move it takes several days. It is all the more difficult for Sri Lankans who are in other refugee camps to meet those in the Special Camps as they have to seek permission first to leave their camp and also to visit the Special Camp detainees. The so- called inmates have been in detention for several years now and there is no time limit specified for their release. This can have psychologically a very traumatizing and demoralizing influence on the detainees. There are several persons who have not come out side the camp for more than ten years now. They are not sure as to when they are likely to be released. The uncertainty of their incarceration is itself agonizing and inhuman.
The PUCL Team Members collected the details of the following handicapped persons detained in this Camp: 1. Ansar: Right foot disabled due to gun shot injury. 2. Mukilan: Totally blind. 3. Ranga: Has lost both the hands below the wrists, lost vision in the left eye and lost hearing faculty in the left ear. 4. "Moscow": Lost the right hand below the wrist and the thumb in the left hand. 5. "Hitler": Lost both hands below the wrist and totally blind. 6. Jerry: Right leg paralyzed. 7. Ajanthan: Has a bullet embedded in the head resulting in paralysis of right leg, right hand and has lost the hearing faculty in the right ear. 8. Yogan: Left leg damaged by gun shot injury. 9. Jeevan: Right foot severed. 10. Radha: Lost vision in the right eye. 11. Nimilan: Lost the vision in the left eye. 12. Shiva: Left foot severed. UN Human Rights groups are not allowed access to the Sri Lankan Tamil refugee camps in Tamil Nadu, because the Indian government fears that they would be "critical of conditions in the camps". This is the charge made by the United States Commission for Refugees in its latest report. Essentially, the Indian Government has been and continues to violate key human rights of the refugees. The Sri Lankan Tamil refugees have been stripped of such basic human rights as the freedom to leave the campsites, proper medical assistance, and perhaps most importantly, non-refoulement.
Earlier in March of 1992, the Indian Government passed an order to "persuade and advise Sri Lankan Tamil refugees to repatriate." The refugees who opted to return cannot be termed as purely "voluntary" because very many of them may have opted for repatriation due to the withdrawal of following facilities that had been provided to them before the repatriation process commenced :- 1) Stoppage of doles and rations after the 9 September 1993. 2) Not providing proper educational facilities to refugee children. 3) Not repairing huts and failing to maintain other facilities in camps. 4) Restricting movements of refugees resulting in preventing refugees from going to work to supplement their meager dole to make ends meet. 5)Arresting and locking up refugees in sub-jails designated as (special camps) without stating reasons or inquiry or trial. 6) Not providing access to information necessary to enable refugees to make a voluntary decision. 7) Failing to provide proper medical assistance.
From the various reports it becomes clear that when the Tamil refugees are deported to Shrilanka, they are persecuted and tortured by military and intelligence agencies. In this connection news in Tamilnation.org, 'Deported Tamil Asylum Seekers arrested & tortured, December 1999′ can be cited as an example.
Various cases have come to light which shows the attitude adopted by the Indian Government in dealing with the Sri Lankan Tamil refugees:
In a Habeas Corpus Petition (No 1465 of 1993) filed by one K. Sarojini Sivalingam on behalf of her husband, Mr R R Sivalingam, it has been stated that her husband was confined in the Special Camp for Sri Lankans at Chengalpattu. The wife petitioned the Court to provide constant and intensive medical care and attention to Mr R R Sivalingam. The Court, vide its order dated 9.9.93, directed the Tamil Nadu State Government to admit him in the Government Hospital, Madras, for proper assessment and better management of his ailment (heart disease), based on the opinion of the Medical Board.
Though the order was pronounced on 9.9.93, the Tamil Nadu State Government failed to implement the said order of the Court for nearly 10 days. It was only after a telegram was issued to the Tamil Nadu State Government that Mr Sivalingam was admitted to the Government Central Hospital on 19.9.93. But, shockingly, he was brought handcuffed, with a chain initially to the Office of the Commissioner of Police and thereafter, to the Government General Hospital, Madras. But, even after admission, he was kept tied to the bed in the hospital, despite several protests on his part. At the hospital, he was not allowed to communicate with outsiders and not allowed to write letters, even to his counsel. Whenever, he was taken to other wards or to the X-ray Department, or to the lab for certain tests, he was taken handcuffed and tied with a chain. His counsel was also told by the escort policemen to get a court order if they wanted to visit him. Moreover, he was not allowed to speak to his legal counsels in confidence and the police guards, including an official from the Special Branch insisted on hearing every word that was spoken. This was clearly illegal.
Despite several protests and representations, the State Government failed to take off his handcuffs and chains. As he was not allowed to write any letters, he was unable to submit a representation in this regard. However, when his counsel visited him on 24 September 1993, at about 5.30 P.M, he forwarded a representation to the Commissioner of Police through him. When his counsel went to submit the representation to the Police Commissioner, he was not present; his Personal Assistant received the representation but refused to give any acknowledgement. In any case, several officials of the police establishment including the Assistant Commissioner (Intelligence) visited him and had seen him chained to the bed; he also complained to them; but no action was taken. It also had a deleterious effect on Mr Sivalingam's health. It is therefore proper that Mr Sivalingam should claim appropriate damages and compensation in respect of the illegal detention and all further illegal acts perpetrated upon him.
The above is just a single instance of many more horrifying cases perpetrated by the Indian Government. The police, without giving any reasons for their arrest and detention in special camps, have arbitrarily and illegally acted in a manner by which the refugee protection given to these persons is withdrawn. Most of these persons are languishing in sub-jails for periods up to two years. In most cases, such detention was followed by the serving of orders under the Foreigner's Act without adherence to the principles of natural justice. This is against Indian and International Humanitarian norms and is a complete travesty of justice.
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Palash Biswas
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