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Friday, April 29, 2011

US Zionist Weapon Economy is Banking on INDO US Nuclear deal for Sustenance and Survival, I have been writing and speaking often.Resignation by US Ambassador in India, Timothy J Roemer, Confirms this. NO DIPLOMACY , WAR Waging, sponsering DESTABLISAT

US Zionist Weapon Economy is Banking on INDO US Nuclear deal for Sustenance and Survival, I have been writing and speaking often.Resignation by US Ambassador in India, Timothy J Roemer, Confirms this. NO DIPLOMACY , WAR Waging, sponsering DESTABLISATION, Subvertion and FREE MARKET  had been US AGENDA from the Beginning. White House succeeded to INSERT  Washington superslaves in the Government of India Incs, MNCs and LPG Mafia  commtted to Brahaminical Zionist Hegemony, but ROEMER failed to defend US   interests in India!


Troubled Galaxy Destroyed Dreams- Chapter 590

Palash Biswas

http://indianholocaustmyfatherslifeandtime.blogspot.com/



http://basantipurtimes.blogspot.com/


US Zionist Weapon Economy is Banking on INDO US Nuclear deal for Sustenance and Survival, I have been writing and speaking often.Resignation by US Ambassador in India, Timothy J Roemer, Confirms this. NO DIPLOMACY , WAR Waging, sponsering DESTABLISATION, Subvertion and FREE MARKET  had been US AGENDA from the Beginning. White House succeeded to INSERT  Washington superslaves in the Government of India Incs, MNCs and LPG Mafia  commtted to Brahaminical Zionist Hegemony, but ROEMER failed to defend US   interests in India!

Timothy J Roemer, US ambassador to India, has decided to call it a day, citing personal, professional and family considerations. And after having marked many highs in India-US ties during his two-year tenure, Roemer will be demitting office on a low note — his announcement comes a day after Delhi rejected two American bids for its $10-billion aircraft deal.

It has to be underlined that the announcement of RESIGNATION coincided with news that India had excluded two U.S. defense companies from a much-anticipated $11 billion deal for at least 126 fighter aircraft, fueling speculation in defense circles that the two were linked.

Others, however, said the former six-term congressman from Indiana, a Democratic Party stalwart, may have felt he was being sidelined in India and wanted to raise his profile back in Washington in advance of President Barack Obama's 2012 re-election bid.


Read more: http://www.bellinghamherald.com/2011/04/28/1990214/roemer-resigns-as-envoy-to-india.html#ixzz1Kw1S6Yh3

However,the Pentagon on Friday said it is "deeply disappointed" over two U.S. companies losing India's multi- billion dollar combat fighter deal, but made it clear that the bilateral defence ties would not be affected.

In a separate development, without referring to the Medium Multi-Role Combat Aircraft deal, White House Press Secretary Jay Carney said President Barack Obama views India-U.S. ties as an anchor to America's approach in Asia.

Mr. Carney said the U.S. is committed to deepening its relationship with India and would continue to pursue top priorities with the country.
"President Obama has great respect for the Indian people, a close partnership with Prime Minister (Manmohan) Singh, and views this relationship as an anchor to our approach in Asia and the promise of the 21st century," he toldPTI.

The Pentagon said the U.S. remains convinced that it offers its defence partners the world's most advanced and reliable technology.

Pentagon spokesman Col. Dave Lapan said the Defence Department was "deeply disappointed" at India's decision to exclude American companies from the purchase order.

"We are deeply disappointed by this news but we look forward to continuing to grow and develop our defence partnership with India and remain convinced that the United States offers our defence partners around the globe the world's most advanced and reliable technology," he said.

Mr. Carney said the United States is committed to deepening its cooperation, and partnering on a bilateral, regional, and global level to address the major challenges of the coming decades together.

"We will continue to pursue top priorities with India, such as balanced economic growth, counter-terrorism, global security and stability, education, agriculture, trade and investment, and the advance of democratic values," he said.

"Our commitment to addressing these challenges together demonstrates the growing strength and purpose of our strategic partnership," the White House spokesman said.
"I hear he wanted to get back to active politics," said Harinder Sekhon, a senior fellow in the U.S. studies program with New Delhi's Observer Research Foundation, a think tank.
Roemer said in a statement that he had only agreed to a two-year commitment when he took the job in 2009, that family considerations were paramount and that he had accomplished all the strategic objectives set out when he started the assignment. In a separate statement, he said he was "deeply disappointed" by India's decision against working with the U.S. companies.
Roemer said he would serve as long as needed but that he expected to make the move in June. It's not immediately clear who would replace him.
Even if the resignation decision is not related to the defense deal, it was poorly timed, industry officials said.
Elizabeth Fitzsimmons, a spokeswoman at the U.S. Embassy in New Delhi, declined to make any connection. "All we're saying is what's on the release," she said. "That's the sum total of the embassy's comments on his departure."
India's military has been on a buying spree, and Obama stood to gain politically if India selected either of the two U.S. contenders, the Boeing F/A 18IN or the Lockheed-Martin F-16IN.
At a time high U.S. unemployment, American voters would welcome the estimated 27,000 jobs either deal would provide.
"This type of technology is only provided to our closest allies and partners," Obama wrote in a February letter to Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. "Equipped with this technology, we are confident both of these aircraft will exceed the expectations of the Indian Air Force."
The Indian air force evidently didn't agree when it narrowed the competition down to France's Rafale and Europe's Typhoon, built by a consortium of Italian, Spanish, German and British companies.
"Your firms are out of fighter contract fray, India tells U.S." read the headline in Thursday's Indian Express newspaper, over a story that said the decision was based solely on technical considerations.
Also losing out were Russia's MIG-35 and Sweden's Gripen.
Although the decision may create some modest strain between Washington and New Delhi - and the U.S. could still pressure India to re-open the bidding or start over - analysts said they didn't think it would hurt the relationship fundamentally.
U.S. companies have won several other defense deals recently, including a $1.2 billion agreement for six C130-J military cargo jets, a $2.1 billion deal for eight maritime P8I aircraft and a $4.1 billion contract for 10 C-17 cargo aircraft.
"And in the nuclear energy field, a lot of upcoming contracts will go to the U.S.," said Ajey Lele, an analyst with New Delhi's Institute of Defense Studies, a think tank. "I don't think relations will be hurt by one defense deal. We've grown beyond that."
India is the world's largest arms importer, accounting for 9 percent of global cross-border weapons trade between 2006 and 2010, according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, a Swedish think tank.
India has seen a parade of top world leaders flock to its shores in recent months, trips motivated by the country's growing global clout and a desire to win contracts coming from its ambitious defense spending plans, estimated at $80 billion in the next five years. Other items on its shopping list include attack helicopters, submarines, tanks and howitzers.
In 2010, British Prime Minister David Cameron, French President Nicholas Sarkozy, Russian President Dmitry Medvedev and Obama all visited India, lobbying for their companies.
India's defense budget for the fiscal year ended in March rose 11.6 percent to $36.28 billion, although that's still less than half the official spending by China, its long-term rival.
Defense experts said several factors may have affected India's decision to go with the European firms.
One was a Indian officials' desire to hedge their bets. "There's been debate in the Indian defense establishment," Sekhon said. "Some feel we've been too dependent first on the erstwhile Soviet Union and now on the U.S., especially if they give the same equipment to Pakistan."
Rival and fellow nuclear power Pakistan flies F-16s.
Also, other experts said, the Indian air force also has about 51 Mirage-2000 fighters and feels a comfort level with French systems and support.
Another consideration may be the life span of the aircraft. India is looking for a fighter it can use for the next 30 to 40 years. The U.S. models are updated versions of older technology - F16s started flying in 1978 and F/A18s in 1999 - while the two European offerings are later-generation aircraft that may better weather a three-decade life span.
The U.S. Embassy said Thursday it was respectful of India's procurement process. "I have been personally assured at the highest levels of the Indian government that the procurement process for this aircraft has been and will be transparent and fair," Roemer said in a statement.
India has seen a string of allegations related to corruption in defense procurement over the years. In January, a top-secret file related to this fighter jet contract went missing from the Defense Ministry before it was reportedly found lying on a Delhi street.
In the late 1980s, a kickback scandal involving howitzers helped bring down the government.
With the competition narrowed, the focus is expected to shift to price in advance of a hoped-for March 2012 final agreement. Other considerations include what the two remaining companies can offer in technology transfer, support, parts and simulators.
"The fat lady has entered the room, but she hasn't taken a breath," said an executive at one defense contractor.
(Anshul Rana in the New Delhi bureau contributed to this report.)

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Read more: http://www.bellinghamherald.com/2011/04/28/1990214/roemer-resigns-as-envoy-to-india.html#ixzz1Kw22iVFO

Nothing positive in Indo-US ties since nuclear deal

Indrani Bagchi, TNN | Apr 29, 2011, 03.37am IST
NEW DELHI: Hard on the heels of India tossing out US bids for the MMRCA fighter aircraft deal, US ambassador Timothy Roemer announced he was leaving his post. Although his decision was unrelated to the MMRCA decision and was apparently in the works for a while, his decision to announce it on Thursday drew an immediate link to the Indian decision. There will be a blowback from Washington over the Indian decision, and many believe Roemer's announcement is the beginning.

In a statement, Roemer said the US was "deeply disappointed" at losing out on the contract. "I have been personally assured at the highest levels of the Indian government that the procurement process for this aircraft has been and will be transparent and fair. I am extremely confident that the Boeing F/A 18IN and Lockheed-Martin F-16IN would provide the Indian Air Force an unbeatable platform with proven technologies at a competitive price," he said.

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Indian officials said it had been clear for some time that the US planes fell short on the technical specifications. For many who believed that political considerations could triumph, they did not take into account the current environment in the Indian government. After the massive corruption scandals involving the Commonwealth Games and 2G spectrum allocation, there was no way this government would ever be able to override the technical arguments to take a political call.

But on a larger canvas, the Indian decision shows the level of deterioration in India-US relations. From the nuclear liability law onwards, things have not been positive on the India-US front. India believes it bent over backwards to accommodate US concerns during the nuclear deal and in its aftermath, as in the end-user verification issue. The US believed it got short shrift on India's nuclear liability law which makes it difficult for US companies to get into the Indian nuclear power sector.

Wikileaks earlier this year put a serious obstacle in the bilateral relations, with the Indian government treating the leaks as a sort of diplomatic betrayal. The dumped documents made the prime minister seem too keen to accommodate US views, portraying the Manmohan Singhgovernment as being "US-friendly" (which despite all the closeness, is a bad word in the establishment). It was largely due to defence minister A K Antony that the India-US strategic dialogue was pushed back from April to July.

India believed the US served it a bad turn when Washington allowed China to do a nuclear deal with Pakistan, bereft of the kind of conditions that India had to subject itself to. China will give extra nuclear reactors to Pakistan and there will be no separation of civil and military nuclear sectors as India was forced to do. All this happened with Washington's tacit consent. That went down badly in the Indian system.

The US, on the other hand, believes India has not kept up its part of the bargain after the nuclear deal. They believe they made a huge concession to India by overcoming the dissent in their own system to support India for a permanent seat in the UN Security Council. Sources in Washington said the US would probably walk back from that support.

The state of drift in India-US relations is likely to continue. The Indian government is consumed by serial domestic crises, and there is a virtual paralysis in the government's decision-making apparatus. In the US, the situation is not much better, and with Obama going into election mode soon, unlikely to improve. Sources also said that unlike George Bush, Obama is less of a big ideas man and much more transactional in his relationships. Its unclear whether he will listen to his advisers to pay India back for its decision. The first sign will be whether he appoints a new envoy for India any time soon.
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Nothing-positive-in-Indo-US-ties-since-nuclear-deal/articleshow/8113123.cms

Boeing confident of Indian market, despite losing jet deal

Published on Fri, Apr 29, 2011 at 19:10 |  Source : CNBC-TV18
Updated at Fri, Apr 29, 2011 at 19:43  
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Excerpts from Reporter's Diary on CNBC-TV18 Watch the full show »



India has rejected two US firms Boeing and Lockheed Martin for an USD 11 billion fighter jet contract, and has instead shortlisted European firms for the order. But Boeing, which along with Lockheed Martin were the firms to lose out, is not losing hope.
Dinesh Keskar, President, Boeing India says to CNBC-TV18, "We have market customers like  Air India which is going to introduce the Dreamliner in the fourth quarter  this year. This is only the second airline in the world to get it. We are also working with Jet Airways which is the best private airline and they are doing wonderful. We are working with Spice Jet low cost which is all Boeing. So we are very pleased where our positioning has been."
Also watch the accompanying video.
Tags: Boeing, Lockheed Martin, Dinesh Keskar, Spice Jet, Dreamliner, Air India
http://www.moneycontrol.com/news/business/boeing-confidentindian-market-despite-losing-jet-deal_539392.html

 
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The Republic of Scams

2010 was The Year of Scams: The 2G spectrum scam, the CWG scandal, the Adarsh Housing Society debacle, all contributed to shatter India's image on the global stage. Yet, scams are not new to this part of the world. In fact, since Independence, India has seen so many cases of high-profile fraud, it's a wonder why we haven't already been renamed the Republic of Scams.

28/04/2011

Why was govt inactive in Purulia arms drop case?

Did the central government facilitate the Purulia arms drop to destabilise the West Bengal government?

Why was govt inactive in Purulia arms drop case?

Kolkata: West Bengal's ruling Left Front Thursday asked the central government to explain why it remained inactive despite having advance information about the massive arms drop in Purulia in 1995.

"The latest revelations on the arms drop are further confirmation of the fact that there was a well planned conspiracy to use violence to destabilise the Left Front at that time," LF chairman Biman Bose told mediapersons. He was reacting to an interview given by arms drop case prime accused Kim Davy who claimed the arms were dropped to "destabilise" the state government and the then central government had played the role of a facilitator.

Here is a small flashback: On December 18, 2005, a mysterious weapon consignment was dropped from the sky over Joupur Jhalda area under Purulia district of West Bengal. The consignment was discovered the next morning. The key conspirator, Kim Davy, said that even RAW was involved in the fiasco. The authorities were informed by MI5 about everything in advance. Not only that, on the night of the drop, the Indian Air Force radar in Kalaikonda was switched off so that the AN-26B plane carrying the arms could pass undetected. Peter Bleach was granted a presidential pardon, Davy smuggled out of India and the crew that flew the plane let off.

Bose described the arms drop as a "serious assault on India's sovereignty" and a "diabolical plot against the then Left front government".

"Whatever has been said by Kim Davy, a prime accused in the case, and Peter Bleach, who was sentenced in the case, show that the arms drop for the Ananda Margis was planned through an international network and the target was the Left Front government.

Why was govt inactive in Purulia arms drop case?

"It was known at that time that the British intelligence had alerted the Indian government about the arms drop. Yet, the central government failed to inform the West Bengal government about the matter in time.

"The central government should explain why it failed to act on the information given by the British intelligence?" Bose alleged 22 MPs had signed a letter seeking lowering of charges against the accused who included Peter Bleach and five Latvians. "Four Congress MPs were signatories," he claimed.

Davy had also alleged that he was in contact with an MP who in turn was in contact with the PMO about the arms drop.

Bose, using the Davy interview transcript, accused Research and Analysis Wing (RAW), India's premier intelligence agency, of jeopardising the security of the country.

"Davy claims that the RAW had put off all radars for 48 hours to facilitate the arms drop. Can you imagine that? It is terrible. The time could have been used by international forces to attack our country." "This is an indication of a bigger conspiracy," said Bose.

Why was govt inactive in Purulia arms drop case?

Davy in an interview to Times Now news channel Thursday made startling revelations about the controversy, claiming that the then central government and RAW facilitated the arms dropping as well as arranged for his disappearance from the country.

Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee asked the Congress why the central government, then run by the party, had allowed Davy to flee the country. "Why did you allow him to escape? Why did they not try to stop him?" he asked while addressing a public meeting at Dankuni in Hooghly district.

Another Left Front partner, Communist Party of India, demanded that the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government order a thorough probe into the whole issue.

"It is a shocking exposure of the Congress government at that point of time which worked with a sinister design to defame the Left Front government and to topple it by any means...The government must come clean in the matter".

Source: IANS


29/04/2011

India dumps US jets, opts for European fighters

New Delhi: A day after India said American, Russian and Swedish aviation firms were out of the race $10.4 billion order for 126 combat jets, three of the four firms rejected in the deal put up a brave face, but kept their options open to contest the decision.

India dumps US jets, opts for European fighters

India has chosen European consortium EADS Cassidian and French Dassault Aviation to continue in the last leg of the tendering process that is likely to be completed by March 2012.

US aerospace giant Boeing, in a statement, said it was "disappointed" after it was notified that its F/A-18 Super Hornet proposal for India's medium multi-role combat aircraft (MMRCA) competition was not short-listed in the initial down-select.

"We are obviously disappointed with this outcome," it said

"Our next step is to request and receive a debrief from the Indian Air Force. Once we have reviewed the details, we will make a decision concerning our possible options, always keeping in mind the impact to the Indian Air Force," it added.

Reiterating its belief that it had offered IAF "a fully compliant and best-value" multi-role aircraft for the defined mission, the firm said: "We will continue to look for opportunities to help India modernize its armed services and enhance its aerospace industry."

India dumps US jets, opts for European fighters

Another US major, Lockheed Martin, which had offered its F-16IN Super Viper in the contest, said the US government had informed it about a letter from the Indian defence ministry concerning the MMRCA competition.

"We understand that the US government is working on a response to that letter from the Indian government. Lockheed Martin remains committed to our relationship with the Indian Air Force, Ministry of Defence and the other services. Lockheed Martin has several world-class products offering the most advanced and reliable technology we believe is suitable for India's security needs," the statement issued by it here said.

Swedish SAAB, which had offered its Gripen fighter jet, said it was willing to answer any further queries and concerns India may have on its plane to support the continued participation in the MMRCA.

SAAB International India AB's in-country director Joanna Sjolander, in her statement, said the company had received the information on the down-select in the MMRCA contract and that it would closely monitor the future process.

India dumps US jets, opts for European fighters

"To support the continued participation of the MMRCA, we are willing to provide additional information to the Indian Air Force and the Ministry of Defence to address any concerns that may have resulted in this decision and to lay out the comprehensive package of benefits that comes from the Gripen platform," Sjolander said.

Once again pitching the Gripen as a world-class next-generation product with an extensive technology transfer programme that stood up very well in extremely tough competitive international market, she said: "We believe that the Gripen NG meets the requirements of the Indian Air Force and India in creation of a strong, futuristic air force."

Gripen NG, she said, provided a price and lifecycle cost, which would enable India to acquire the requisite number of aircraft which makes it unmatched.

"The Gripen is a true independent choice and would give India huge ability to create an air force that would not be tied down to any single supplier or country," she added.

Russian United Aircraft Corporation, which had pitted its yet-to-be-operational MiG-35 against the other five contenders, did not respond to the development.

Source: IANS

Indo-US Military Cooperation: US Perceptions

2006-06-10 The basic document guiding the Indo-US defence relationship is the 'Agreed Minute of Defence Relations of 1995'. However, the relationship has since acquired new dimensions and reached a progressively higher

http://www.india-defence.com/reports-2066

Wikileaks and US-India Defence Agreement

D. Raghunandan, April 29, 2011

The article published in The Hindu (28 March 2011) on the Wikileaks cables focusing on the landmark Indo-US Agreement of June 2005 on a "New Framework for US-India Defence Relationship" as part of a wider strategic engagement between India and the US has received less attention than it deserves. (The writer must himself take some blame for not writing this piece earlier!) It covers a very significant period of modern India in which the UPA government took the country decisively into the US strategic orbit, and which witnessed a still unfolding process that included three watershed Agreements between India and the US. The other two accords, both intimately connected to this one, were the US-India Joint Statement of July 2005 issued after the Summit in the US between then President George W. Bush and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, which took the Next Steps in Strategic Partnership entered into with the US by the earlier NDA Government to a new level, and of course the "123" Civil Nuclear Cooperation Agreement which cemented the new strategic alliance.  

Hopefully we are going to be treated to further Wikileaks instalments dealing with these other Agreements too, and their inter-connectedness. Till then we must content ourselves with this glimpse and infer from it what we can about the broader strategic engagement. Yet even this brief look provides some fascinating insights into how this engagement was viewed by both sides.   

Left was right        The first thing that strikes one is that, looking at the bigger picture, there are no startling new revelations, and very few surprises. Most of what we can read from the Wikileaks cables was already known, and had been brought out especially by the Left and by many other strategic commentators during that time. Yet to see it all come together in one place, brought out by official US documented exchanges, is important enough. And fresh light is also thrown on some key aspects, even if not in the referenced Hindu article itself, if one connects the dots and reads between the lines.

Apart from anything else, the cables should convince the average reader that the Left in particular was not just spinning out some paranoid conspiracy theory about US intentions and its orchestration of events, including micro-manipulations of government officials and elected representatives both high and low, towards the outcomes it desired. Indeed, several cables show it was the vigorous Left opposition to the deepening US-India strategic engagement, and the impact this critique was having in the wider polity and public opinion, which pulled the reins at least somewhat and kept the US horses from bolting with the Indian carriage. The US Embassy in Delhi for instance notes its frustration that the Indian leadership, though willing, was holding back because of its anxiety about the political campaign that "India is sub-serving its foreign policy to that of the US."

This unfavourable environment engendered by the predominantly though not solely Left critique, with the Embassy analysis often pointing figures at the Nehruvian perspectives among sections of the foreign policy establishment also, seems to have  the major reason for the UPA government going backing off from, or going slow on, several foundational bilateral agreements that the US was pushing. As a result India did not sign, and indeed has yet to sign, the Acquisition and Cross Servicing Agreement (re-named Logistics Support Agreement to appear more innocuous) that provides for use of each other's facilities and obtain refuelling and other services on credit during operations, the Communications Interoperability and Security Memorandum of Agreement or CISMOA whereby air, sea and land assets of both sides can communicate with each other through common hardware and encryption software during as forces of US allies do during NATO operations, the Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement for Geospatial Cooperation or BECA.

The US always claims that all these agreements will help the sale and transfer of advanced technologies to India and the latter two are indeed essential for sales of advanced and sensitive equipment. The cables show that in reality the US intention was to bind India into a web of military relationships both for their immediate strategic dividends for the US Pacific Command embracing East and South East Asia, and, as the cables show, as a part of the larger US strategy "to move the US-India mil-to-mil relationship closer."

One new bit of information in the cables is that the US wanted to go even one step further and get India to agree to "Cooperative Security Locations" or CSLs, which are fully equipped military facilities in a dormant base that can be activated for operational use at short notice. This seemed too much even for pro-US sections of the Indian leadership!   
 
Not that they have been converted! In fact, the UPA political leadership is slowly but surely finding backdoor means to achieve closer military ties. In some cases such as with the End-Use Agreements which the US normally insists on for government-to-government sales, and which gives the US rights to inspect military equipment sold to other countries on site and determine how they are used, India has not formally signed them but in 2009 agreed to language in annexures to sales contracts that are tantamount to the same. Similarly, India has gone along with the idea of interdiction on the high seas without actually signing the USA's Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI).  

Strategy not sales only    Much has been made in strategic and defence circles of the commercial angle to the US-India defence relationship. Articles constantly refer to the opening up of the Indian defence market to US suppliers and the potentially hundreds of billions of dollars that could be garnered for US companies through such sales. The cables too have reference to $14 billion annual purchases by India and $27 million acquisitions market just in the near term. But perhaps the most striking aspect of the cable extracts contained in the Hindu article is that, whereas this commercial aspect is undoubtedly important to the US, military sales to India are essentially seen not as ends in themselves but as part of a larger goal of drawing India into the US geo-strategic orbit.

Of course, cables originating from the US Embassy in India placed strong emphasis on the commercial side of military equipment sales for after all promoting commercial interests are important part of any Embassy's mandate. However, US foreign policy is not limited to commerce, nor is it run from Roosevelt House, New Delhi but rather from Foggy Bottom and the White House. Thus, after then Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice's announcement during her visit to Delhi that the US desire to assist India to become a world power, the US Ambassador to India David Mulford conveyed to the Indian leadership that "energy, military cooperation, space and defence sales were the key areas" through which the US would do this. In the run-up to the signing of the Defence Agreement, the cables show much discussion on military sales to India, the need to take on board the persistent Indian demand for technology transfer if this window of commercial and strategic opportunity is to open up for the US, and the positive US response to such sales, drawing the conclusion that "military ties have developed into one of the most important and robust aspects of the… dramatic improvements in relations" between the US and India.

The cables reveal clearly that US strategic and foreign policy objectives vis-à-vis India, rather than commercial gains howsoever important, were the main drivers behind the burgeoning defence relationship. Sales of military equipment are seen as a key route to forging stronger military-to-military relationships which themselves are viewed as a crucial but not the sole component of a broader geo-strategic alliance.

Indeed, despite several large orders from India for military equipment, this is why the cables show, as the Hindu article put it, the impatience and frustration of the US at the lack of forward movement or slow pace of enlarging he scope of the defence pact through the foundational agreements or other substantive and formal actions demonstrating geo-strategic convergence between India and the US.
      
Since then, India has acquired US military hardware worth a whopping $10 billion. Equipment bought from the US include the USS Trenton (now INS Jalashwa) troop carrier ship, P8I maritime reconnaissance aircraft, Hercules C130J heavy lift transporter aircraft and other items. Despite the total volume of these transactions, the cables show that the US still longs for that "breakthrough sale," especially the mega-order of 126 multi-role combat aircraft, now made possible by the agreement on End-Use Agreement and on licensed manufacture in India. The significance of such a sale for the US would be not just its commercial value but its importance for "deepening our mil-mil relationship and developing the military interoperability that will help our strategic partnership realize its potential". It is argued by US diplomats that such sales with make a "sustained relationship far more robust than exercises and exchanges. If we can continue our trend of major military sales, we will cement a relationship for the next several decades with the most stable country in South Asia."  

Turning scepticism into opportunity     The cables also throw light on some interesting and hitherto unexplored dimension to Indian military acquisitions, especially from the US.
For one, the cables record considerable resistance in India, notably from the military leadership but also from a broader constituency of sections of the defence production sector, the strategic and foreign policy community, and journalists including defence correspondents, to strategic military acquisitions from the US. The Indian military brass appears to show deep-seated suspicions about US reliability as a supplier especially in time of conflict when, it fears, the US may impose sanctions or otherwise bock supplies. The cables note the obvious reluctance of military leaders regarding acquisitions and deployment in theatres potentially involving Pakistan.
 
The above mentioned acquisitions are interesting in this light. They are mostly stand-alone acquisitions for longer-range or indirect roles, whereas the fighter aircraft would be frontline combat aircraft likely to find use in the neighbourhood. The cables' repeated reference to support from the military especially the Navy for expanded military relations with the US should also perhaps be seen in this light. The Navy not surprisingly finds considerable value in the experience gained from joint exercises using modern networking systems, and also looks positively at the prospect of strengthening its deep-water capabilities through such collaborations. None of these involve major hardware acquisitions that may be hampered in times of conflict. The Air Force Chief has gone on record as saying not saying CISMOA would not affect his service's operational preparedness. Point is, weapon systems are a military's bread and butter. And no military worth its salt would compromise its ability to be self-reliant within the nation especially in time of conflict when such equipment would actually be put to the use for which it was intended.

This is obviously linked to India's defence industry capabilities to produce and maintain the major military hardware the armed services require. The on-going effort in India to address the well-known deficiencies of the Indian defence production sector is an unfolding story and cannot be addressed in this article. But we may briefly note that the Wikileaks cables throw a hitherto little noticed and interesting, new light on this aspect too.  

The cables show US officials both in the US and especially in the Embassy in New Delhi repeatedly noting the strong Indian requirement for technology transfer to accompany any military sales. The cables reveal the US establishment, not being accustomed to such arrangements, gradually coming around to the idea in the interest of promoting the strategic partnership it wants "at a time when the goal of establishing a key strategic relationship... with one of Asia's rising giants... is becoming reality." The cables show a US decision to project itself as a "reliable strategic partner for defence co-production, technology sharing, and joint research [while] using military sales as the platform for cooperation [to] catalyze development of India's defence sector [and] spin off new industries." With typical American push, US officials suggest that the Defence Production and Procurement Group set up under the Defence Agreement could then "lay the foundation for direct interaction among Indian and U.S. business leaders aimed at creating corporate structures as the basis for defence cooperation, beginning with a few discreet projects."

We are today witnessing an unfolding of this US stratagem. The UPA government has not only liberalized the offsets regime by various means including opening up civilian sector offsets which would benefit companies such as Boeing but has also decisively opened up the defence sector to the private sector including with foreign collaboration and portfolio investment.  So not only will US interests be promoted in terms of military sales by agreeing to licensed manufacture or other offsets or collaboration as India wanted, this could be further advanced by tweaking these collaboration arrangements such that US defence manufacturers gain a foothold in the Indian defence manufacturing sector! But that's the subject of another article!

 

Courtersy: Delhi Science Forum

 

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White House acknowledges Roemer's resignation

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The resignation letter of Timothy Roemer, United States Ambassador to India, has been submitted, a White House official confirmed toThe Hindu.

Concurrently White House Spokesperson Jay Carney emphasised that over the past two years during Ambassador Roemer's tenure, U.S. President Barack Obama made the expansion of the U.S.-India strategic partnership a "major priority" and declared that it was an "indispensible partnership" for the 21st century.

A day after Mr. Roemer's resignation Mr. Carney said that Mr. Obama "has great respect for the Indian people, a close partnership with Prime Minister Singh, and views this relationship as an anchor to our approach in Asia."

M. Carney further reaffirmed that the U.S. and India would continue to pursue top priorities, including balanced economic growth, counter-terrorism, global security and stability, education, agriculture, trade and investment, and the advance of democratic values.


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http://connect.in.com/white-house/article-white-house-acknowledges-roemer-s-resignation-1228573-265586693a65c27d4eaab3707a3be0d93bf08568.html
 
"We are reviewing the documents received from the government of India and are respectful of the procurement process. We are, however, deeply disappointed by this news," Roemer said on Thursday.
On leaving India, some time in June, he said: "When I accepted this job two years ago, I told President (Barack) Obama I would serve for two years but that family considerations would be front and centre after that."

The Obama administration had pitched the multi-role combat aircraft deal as one that would generate thousands of jobs in the US. In Washington, while officials said Delhi's rejection would not cause long-term damage to ties, there were some who disagreed. "The feeling is that India may have settled for a plane, but could be foregoing a relationship," said former White House official Ashley Tellis.

Roemer disagreed: "We look forward to continuing to develop our defence partnership with India and remain convinced that the US offers the world's most advanced, reliable technology."

[The relative drift however lies within the broader framework of rapidly growing Indo-US proximity since the dissolution of the USSR and the camp led by it as a balancing power opposed to the US and its entourage.]

I/II.
http://epaper.timesofindia.com/Default/Scripting/ArticleWin.asp?From=Archive&Source=Page&Skin=TOINEW&BaseHref=TOIM/2011/04/29&PageLabel=17&EntityId=Ar01700&ViewMode=HTML&GZ=T


Roemer quits day after US loses aircraft deal

Drift In Indo-US Ties May Go On, US May Upset India's UNSC Bid

Indrani Bagchi TNN

New Delhi: Hard on the heels of India tossing out US bids for the Medium Multi-Role Combat Aircraft (MMRCA) fighter aircraft deal, US ambassador Timothy Roemer announced he was leaving his post. Although his decision was unrelated to the MMRCA decision and was apparently in the works for a while, his decision to announce it on Thursday drew an immediate link to the Indian decision. There will be a blowback from Washington over the Indian decision, and many believe Roemer's announcement is the beginning.
   In a statement, Roemer said the US was "deeply disappointed" at losing out on the contract. "I have been personally assured at the highest levels of the Indian government that the procurement process for this aircraft has been and will be transparent and fair. I am extremely confident that the Boeing F/A 18IN and Lockheed-Martin F-16IN would provide the Indian Air Force an unbeatable platform with proven technologies at a competitive price," he said.
   Indian officials said it had been clear for some time that the US planes fell short on the technical front. Those who believed that political considerations would triumph did not take into account that in light of the massive corruption scandals involving the Commonwealth Games and 2G spectrum, there was no way this government could override technical arguments to take a political call.
   But on a larger canvas, the Indian decision shows the level of deterioration in India-US relations. From the nuclear liability law onwards, things have not been positive on the India-US front. India believes it bent over backwards to accommodate US concerns during the deal and in its aftermath, as in the end-user verification issue. The US believed it got short shrift on India's nuclear liability law, which makes it difficult for US companies to get into the Indian N-power sector.
   Wikileaks put a serious obstacle in bilateral ties with the Indian government treating the leaks as a sort of diplomatic betrayal. The dumped documents made the PM seem too keen to accommodate US views, portraying the Manmohan Singh government as being "US-friendly" (which despite all the closeness, is a bad word in the establishment). India believed the US served it a bad turn when Washington allowed China to do a nuclear deal with Pakistan, bereft of the kind of conditions that India had to subject itself to. China will give extra nuclear reactors to Pakistan and there will be no separation of civil and military nuclear sectors as India was forced to do. All this happened with US consent.
   The US, on the other hand, believes India has not kept up its part of the bargain after the N-deal. They believe they made a huge concession to India by overcoming dissent in their own system to support India for a permanent seat in the UNSC. Sources in Washington said the US would probably walk back from that support.
   The drift in India-US relations may go on. Sources said it is unclear if Obama will listen to his advisers to pay India back for its decision. The first sign will be whether he appoints a new envoy any time soon.

II.
US pressure fails to pull its fighter through IAF test

Rajat Pandit, TNN | Apr 29, 2011, 03.13am IST
NEW DELHI: From a US versus Europe battle, it has become a Europe versus France tussle. The US did mount a high-voltage campaign over the last four years, with even President Barack Obama making a strong sales pitch for American fighters in the final stages but in the end India went "purely" by the gruelling technical evaluation.

Officials, in fact, said both PM Manmohan Singh and defence minister A K Antony had made it clear that the selection process for the gigantic $10.4 billion project to acquire 126 medium multi-role combat aircraft (MMRCA) should be guided solely by IAF's operational requirements, not by "any other extraneous factor", as also the prospect of further modernizing the jets during their 40-year lifespan.

This came even as representatives of only Eurofighter Typhoon (EADS, backed by the UK, Germany, Spain and Italy), French Rafale (Dassault) jets were called to the defence ministry on Thursday to extend the validity of their yet-to-be-opened commercial bids, within two weeks, till December 31.

Rejection letters, in turn, have already been handed over to the other four contenders, American F/A-18 'Super Hornet' (Boeing) and F-16 'Super Viper' ( Lockheed Martin), Swedish Gripen (Saab), and Russian MiG-35 (United Aircraft Corporation).

Though the Europeans were apprehensive that the Americans might use their clout to swing the MMRCA project, like US has done in other defence deals in the past, their fears have now been laid to rest.

The Eurofighter, followed closely by Rafale, "came closest" to meeting the 643 technical attributes specified by India during the long-drawn field trials held by IAF test pilots both in India and abroad under different weather conditions. "The other four fell below the base line of minimum air staff qualitative requirements to be met," said the official.

It is, of course, no secret that India remains unhappy with US for supplying more F-16s to Pakistan on the pretext of the war against terror. Neither is the defence ministry, led by Antony, convinced about the "utility and benefits" of the Logistics Support Agreement (LSA), Communication Interoperability and Security Memorandum Agreement (CISMOA) and Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement for Geo-Spatial Cooperation (BECA), the foundational military agreements being pushed by US.

While the absence of CISMOA restricts US from transferring certain high-tech equipment to India, the already-inked End-Use Monitoring Agreement (EUMA) gives Washington the right to inspect the military equipment sold to New Delhi as well as puts certain restrictions on their operational use.

Is it any wonder then that India seems to be restricting its military aircraft purchases from the US to transport and reconnaissance planes the like three Business Boeing Jets, six C-130J 'Super Hercules', 12 P-8I Poseidon and 10 C-17 Globemaster-III, which together cost upwards of $8 billion.

Moreover, it's not as if the Eurofighter and Rafale were pushovers despite the geo-political clout of the US. The former is, after all, backed by UK, Germany, Spain and Italy. France, too, has been a long-term defence partner of India and, incidentally, did not impose sanctions after the Pokhran-II nuclear tests in 1998.

U.S. "deeply disappointed" by thumbs down to fighter jets

K. V. PRASAD
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PTIU.S. Ambassador Timothy Roemer has expressed disappointment over the rejection of Boeing's F-18 and Lockheed-Martin's F-16 fighters by India in the bid for the Medium Multi-Role Combat Aircraft deal. File photo

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With both Boeing and Lockheed Martin failing to make it to the Indian Air Force's final shortlist for the $11 billion deal for 126 Medium Multi Role Combat Aircraft (MMRCA) — a contract that American leaders and diplomats had said would determine the direction of strategic relations between the two countries — the United States on Thursday expressed deep disappointment at the outcome and indicated it would continue to press its case with India.

Representatives of the European consortium offering Eurofighter and French Dassault offering Rafale were on Thursday asked by the Ministry of Defence to extend the validity of the commercials bids — that expire on April 28 — till December 31, 2011, officials said here.

It is understood that the companies have been given two weeks' time to complete the formality while on its part, the Ministry decided to start the process of "benchmarking," setting a price band for the deal.

As reported by The Hindu on Wednesday, the Ministry sent letters to the two European companies after completion of Technical Evaluation by the Indian Air Force. The process of 'down selecting' the two meant elimination of the other four competitors including two American firms — Boeing (F/A-18 Super Hornet) and Lockheed Martin (F16IN Super Viper). Sweden's SAAB (Gripen) and Russian Mikoyan (MiG35) were the other two to lose out in the deal that is estimated around Rs. 45,000 crore.

Of the 126 MMRCA , 18 would be in ready-to-fly condition while the rest were to be produced in India under Transfer of Technology. That 50 per cent value of the deal would have to be sourced within the country is among the terms and conditions.

Roemer 'disappointed'

Meanwhile, the U.S. Ambassador, Timothy J. Roemer, said he was "deeply disappointed" on being informed by the government that the two aircraft it offered to India were not selected for procurement.

In a statement released hours after announcing his decision to resign as the Ambassador, he said the Embassy was reviewing the documents it received from the government and "is respectful of the procurement process."

Mr. Roemer said he had been personally assured at the highest levels of the Indian government that the procurement process for the MMRCA "has been and will be transparent and fair" and expressed confidence that aircraft offered by Boeing and Lockheed Martin would "provide the Indian Air Force an unbeatable platform with proven technology at a competitive price."

"We look forward to continuing to grow and develop our defence partnership with India and remain convinced that the United States offers our defence partners around the globe the world's most advanced and reliable technology," the statement said.

On its part, the Boeing company said it would request and receive a debrief from the Indian Air Force and after reviewing the details, it will make a decision concerning possible options, "always keeping in mind the impact to the Indian Air Force."

"We believe we offered the Indian Air Force a fully compliant and best-value multi-role aircraft for the defined mission. We will continue to look for opportunities to help India modernise its armed services and enhance its aerospace industry," the company release said.

Over the last few years, the United States has successfully sold several defence equipment to India through the Foreign Military Sales (Government-to-Government) route. These include 12 Boeing VIP Business Jets, 8 P8I Long Term Maritime Patrol Aircraft. Lockheed Martin has supplied the first of the six C130J tactical transport aircraft for IAF and a follow-up order is expected. 12 weapon locating radars, Landing Ship Dock INS Jalashwa (USS Trenton) are already with India while recently HAL/DRDO signed deal for 99 GE414 engines to power 'Tejas' Light Combat Aircraft.

The government is in the process of finalising deal for 10 Boeing C17 Globemaster transport aircraft that American President Barack Obama indicated during his November 2010 visit. In addition, the Indian Army is to get 145 ultra-light Howitzer field guns from BAE Systems while inquiries are on for Javelin anti-tank missile, beside a few more. The collective value of these deals is expected to cross $ 15 billion.

Keywords: Medium Multi-Role Combat Aircraft, IAF deal, Foreign Military Sales

http://connect.in.com/white-house/article-white-house-acknowledges-roemer-s-resignation-1228573-265586693a65c27d4eaab3707a3be0d93bf08568.html

Lockheed Martin

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
For the former companies, see Lockheed Corporation and Martin Marietta.
*

Type

Public (NYSE: LMT)

Industry

Aerospace

Defense

Global security

Founded

1995

Headquarters

Bethesda, Maryland, USA

Area served

Worldwide

Key people

Robert J. Stevens

(Chairman) & (CEO)

Christopher E. Kubasik

(President) & (COO)

Dr. Ray O Johnson

(Senior Vice President) & (CTO)

Products

ATC systems

Ballistic missiles

Munitions

NMD elements

Transport aircraft

Fighter aircraft

Radar

Satellite

Atlas launch vehicles

NASA's Orion spacecraft

HULC-Human exoskeleton

Revenue

US$ 45.803 billion (2010)

Operating income

* US$ 4.097 billion (2010)

Profit

* US$ 2.926 billion (2010)

Total assets

* US$ 35.067 billion (2010)

Total equity

* US$ 3.708 billion (2010)

Employees

133,000 (2010)

Website

LockheedMartin.com



Lockheed Martin (NYSE: LMT) is an American global aerospace, defense, security, and advanced technology company with worldwide interests. It was formed by the merger ofLockheed Corporation with Martin Marietta in March 1995. It is headquartered in Bethesda, Maryland, in the Washington Metropolitan Area. Lockheed Martin employs 133,000 people worldwide. Robert J. Stevens is the current Chairman and Chief Executive Officer.
Lockheed Martin is the world's largest defense contractor, and in 2009, 74% of Lockheed Martin's revenues came from military sales.[1] It received 7.1% of the funds paid out by the Pentagon.[2]
Lockheed Martin operates in four business segments. These comprise, with respective percentages of 2009 total net sales of $45.2 billion, Aeronautics (27%), Electronic Systems (27%), Information Systems & Global Solutions (27%), and Space Systems (19%). In 2009 US Government contracts accounted for $38.4 billion (85%), foreign government contracts $5.8 billion (13%), and commercial and other contracts $0.9 billion (2%).[3] In both 2009 and 2008 the company topped the list of US Federal Contractors.
The company has received the Collier Trophy twice – in 2001 for being part of developing theX-35/F-35B LiftFan Propulsion System,[4][5][6] and again in 2006 for leading the team that developed the F-22 Raptor fighter jet.

Contents

[hide]



[edit]History

Merger talks between Lockheed Corporation and Martin Marietta began in March 1994, with the companies announcing their $10 billion planned merger on August 30, 1994.[7] The deal was finalized on March 15, 1995 when the two companies' shareholders approved the merger.[8] The segments of the two companies not retained by the new company formed the basis for the present L-3 Communications, a mid-size defense contractor in its own right. Lockheed Martin later spun off the materials company Martin Marietta Materials.

Both companies contributed important products to the new portfolio. Lockheed products included the Trident missile, P-3 Orion, F-16 Fighting Falcon, F-22 Raptor, C-130 Hercules, A-4AR Fightinghawk and the DSCS-3 satellite. Martin Marietta products included Titan rockets, Sandia National Laboratories (management contract acquired in 1993), Space Shuttle External Tank, Viking 1 and Viking 2 landers, the Transfer Orbit Stage (under subcontract to Orbital Sciences Corporation) and various satellite models.

On April 22, 1996, Lockheed Martin completed the acquisition of Loral Corporation's defense electronics and system integration businesses for $9.1 billion, the deal having been announced in January. The remainder of Loral became Loral Space & Communications.[9]

Lockheed Martin abandoned plans for a $8.3 billion merger with Northrop Grumman on July 16, 1998, due to government concerns over the potential strength of the new group; Lockheed/Northrop would have had control of 25% of the Department of Defense's procurement budget.[10]

Lockheed Martin provided NASA with measurements in US Customary force units when metric was required, resulting in the loss of the Mars Climate Orbiter at a cost of $125 million.[11][12] The cost for spacecraft development was $193.1 million.[13]

A Lockheed Martin building in Bethesda, Maryland

In May 2000, Lockheed Martin sold Lockheed Martin Control Systems to BAE Systems. On November 27, 2000, Lockheed completed the sale of its Aerospace Electronic Systems business to BAE Systems for $1.67 billion, a deal announced in July 2000. This group encompassedSanders Associates, Fairchild Systems, and Lockheed Martin Space Electronics & Communications.[14][15]

In 2001, Lockheed Martin won the contract to build the F-35 Lightning II; this was the largest fighter aircraft procurement project since the F-16, with an initial order of 3,000 worth some $200 billion before export orders.

In 2001, Lockheed Martin settled a nine year investigation conducted by NASA's Office of Inspector General with the assistance of the Defense Contract Audit Agency. The company paid the United States government $7.1 million based on allegations that its predecessor, Lockheed Engineering Science Corporation, submitted false lease costs claims to NASA.[16]

On May 12, 2006, The Washington Post reported that when Robert Stevens took control of Lockheed Martin in 2004, he faced the dilemma that within 10 years 100,000 of the about 130,000 Lockheed Martin employees – more than three-quarters – would be retiring.[17]

On August 31, 2006, Lockheed Martin won a $3.9 billion contract from NASA to design and build the CEV capsule, also known as Orion – the next spacecraft for human flight – for the Ares I rocket in the Constellation Program.

On August 13, 2008, Lockheed Martin acquired the government business unit of Nantero, Inc., a company that had developed methods and processes for incorporating carbon nanotubes in next-generation electronic devices.[18]

On November 18, 2010, Lockheed Martin announced that it would be closing its Eagan, MN location by 2013 in order to drive down costs and optimize capacity at their locations nationwide.[19]

In January 2011, Lockheed Martin agreed to pay the US Government $2 million to settle allegations that the company submitted false claims on a U.S. government contract for that amount. The allegations came from a contract with the Naval Oceanographic Office Major Shared Resource Center in Mississippi.[20]

[edit]Organization

[edit]Aeronautics

C-130 Hercules; in production since the 1950s, now as the C-130J

Lockheed Martin/BAE/Northrop Grumman X-35 (F-35 Prototype)

Submarine launch of a Lockheed Trident missile


[edit]Electronic Systems


[edit]Information Systems and Global Solutions

  • Lockheed Martin IS&GS-Civil
  • Lockheed Martin IS&GS-Defense
  • Lockheed Martin IS&GS-Security
    • Lockheed Martin Orincon
    • Lockheed Martin STASYS
  • Lockheed Martin Technology Ventures

[edit]Space


[edit]Others


[edit]Joint ventures


[edit]Government contracts

Lockheed Martin is active in many aspects of government contracting. It "received $36 billion in government contracts in 2008 alone, more than any company in history. It now does work for more than two dozen government agencies from the Department of Defense and theDepartment of Energy to the Department of Agriculture and the Environmental Protection Agency. Its involved in surveillance and information processing for the CIA, the FBI, the Internal Revenue Service (IRS), the National Security Agency (NSA), the Pentagon, the Census Bureau, and the Postal Service."[2]

[edit]Corporate governance

Current members of the board of directors of Lockheed Martin are: Edward Aldridge, Nolan Archibald, Marcus Bennett, James O. Ellis,Gwendolyn King, James Loy, Douglas McCorkindale, Eugene Murphy, Joseph Ralston, Frank Savage, Anne Stevens, Robert J. Stevens, James Ukropina and Douglas Yearley.

Lockheed "ranks number one on the 'contractor misconduct' database maintained by the Project on Government Oversight, a Washington-DC-based watchdog group."[2] Since 1995, the company has agreed to pay $577 million to settle fifty-four instances of misconduct.[21]

[edit]Lobbying

The company's 2010 lobbying expenditure by the third quarter was $9.9 million (2009 total: $13.7 million).[22][23]

Through its political action committee, the company provides low levels of financial support to candidates who advocate national defense and relevant business issues.[24] It is "the top contributor to the incoming House Armed Services Committee chairman, Republican Howard P. 'Buck' McKeon of California, giving more than $50,000 in the most recent election cycle. It also tops the list of donors to Sen. Daniel Inouye(D-HI), the powerful chair of the Senate Appropriations Committee, and the self-described '#1 earmarks guy in the US Congress.'"[2]

Lockheed Martin Employees Political Action Committee is one of the 50 most generous PACs in the country, according to FEC data. With contributions from 3,000 employees, it donates $500,000 a year to about 260 House and Senate candidates. For the 2004 election cycle, Lockheed's PAC has already contributed $350,279 to federal candidates, with about 62 percent going to Republicans, according to the Center for Responsive Politics. That compares with $515,000 from General Dynamics' political action committee and $122,850 from BAE Systems North America, the center's data showed.[25]

[edit]See also

*

Aviation portal



[edit]References

  1. ^ Jackson, Susan T. et al The SIPRI Top 100 arms-producing companies, 2009 (short) Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, 2009. Retrieved: 13 June 2010. Quote: "Arms sales are defined by SIPRI as sales of military goods and services to military customers, including both domestic and export sales. Military goods and services are those which are designed specifically for military purposes"
  2. ^ a b c d Hartung, William (2011-01-12) Is Lockheed Martin Shadowing You?, Mother Jones
  3. ^ "2009 Annual Report". LockheedMartin.com. Retrieved 4 January 2011.
  4. ^ Propulsion System in Lockheed Martin Joint Strike Fighter wins Collier Trophy Lockheed Martin press release, February 28, 2003. Retrieved: January 2010
  5. ^ "Propulsion system for a vertical and short takeoff and landing aircraft", 1990 United States Patent 5209428 (PDF of original)
  6. ^ Collier Trophy; list of winners. Retrieved January 2010
  7. ^ Norris, Floyd (1994-08-31). "A 'merger of equals,' with Martin Marietta the most equal". The New York Times.
  8. ^ "Martin Marietta-Lockheed merger is approved". The New York Times. 1995-03-16.
  9. ^ Mintz, John (1996-04-23). "Lockheed-Martin Loral Merger May Mean a Loss of Business; McDonnell Douglas Threatens to Cancel Billions in Contracts". The Washington Post.
  10. ^ Wayne, Leslie (1998-07-17). "Lockheed cancels Northrop merger, citing U.S. stand". The New York Times.
  11. ^ "Metric mishap caused loss of NASA orbiter". CNN. 1999-09-30.
  12. ^ "Math error equals loss of Mars orbiter". Science News. 1999-10-09.
  13. ^ http://www.aviationearth.com/the-lockheed-martin-corporation/
  14. ^ "Contract for BAE". The Times (Times Newspapers). 2000-11-28.
  15. ^ Parreault, Carl (2004-07-14). "British aerospace firm buys Sanders". The Union Leader.
  16. ^ LOCKHEED MARTIN PAYS NASA $7.1 MILLION SETTLEMENT. U.S. Department of Justice, United States Attorney Press Rlease, July 10, 2003.
  17. ^ Dutt, Jill. "Taking an Engineer's Approach at Lockheed Martin."Washington Post, May 1, 2006.
  18. ^ "Lockheed Martin Acquires Nantero, Inc.'s Government Business Unit". Taume News. August 14, 2008. Retrieved 2008-08-14.
  19. ^ Hult, Karla. "Lockheed Martin to Close Eagan Plant, Shed 1,000 Jobs." Kare 11 News, November 19, 2010.
  20. ^ Washington Post, "Lockheed To Pay $2 Million To Settle Lawsuit", 25 January 2011, p. 14.
  21. ^ "Federal Contractor Misconduct Database". Project on Government Oversight. Retrieved 5 January 2011.
  22. ^ "Lockheed Martin Lobbying Expenditure". Center for Responsive Politics. Retrieved 5 January 2011.
  23. ^ "Lobbying Disclosure Act Database". United States Senate. Retrieved 5 January 2011.
  24. ^ "Political Disclosures". LockheedMartin.com. Retrieved 4 January 2011.
  25. ^ Lockheed Martin Employees PAC article

[edit]External links

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